The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

This editorial note discusses the five articles found in this issue, respectively, on Goryeo metalwork, Goryeo Buddhist sculpture, Goryeo Buddhist rituals, votive objects related to ritual objects enshrined inside Goryeo Buddhist sculptures, and textiles in Goryeo Buddhist paintings. Choi Eung Chon’s article entitled “Diverse Aspects and Characteristics of the Goryeo Dynasty Crafts in Xuanhe Fengshi Gaoli Tujing” analyzes the records on crafts from this era found in Gaoli tujing, a report written by the Chinese emissary Xu Jing in 1123. This paper largely categorizes crafts into najeon chilgi (mother-of-pearl lacquerware), textiles, woodworking, and metalwork. Notably, metal items, which make up the majority of surviving Goryeo crafts, are examined in detail in terms of their forms and uses. The brief inclusion of the phrase “praiseworthy elaboration” (細密可貴) on najeon in Gaoli tujing suggests that Goryeo mother-of-pearl wares created using tortoiseshell (daemo) painted using the bokchae (reverse-side coloring) technique, which was considered the most sophisticated method of the time, were exported to foreign countries. This paper classifies metalwork according to its shapes and uses, regardless of the order in Gaoli tujing. Gaoli tujing remarks on the diverse shapes of incense burners, the increased production of vessels modeled after ancient bronzewares (including incense burners in the shape of Boshan Mountain), and braziers. It also hints at the extensive production of gwangmyeongdae candle holders (光明臺) and helps with the investigation of lighting appliances, such as candles, of the Goryeo dynasty. Furthermore, Gaoli tujing mentions a few types of Buddhist metalwork, including ritual ewers (kundika), the large bell hanging at Bojesa Temple (普濟寺), Buddhist flagpoles (幢竿, danggan), and vajras. Ritual ewers are specifically discussed, providing valuable information for dating Goryeo ritual ewers produced at the time. According to Gaoli tujing, a large bell decorated with a pair of $ying immortals was created in 1094 and hung at Bojesa Temple, the proto-temple for Yeonboksa Temple (演福寺), before the so-called bell of Yeonboksa Temple was installed. It further describes a copper Buddhist $agpole that stood in the precincts of Heungguksa Temple (興國寺) and was adorned with bonghwang (a pair of mythical birds, Ch. fenghuang) heads bearing a silk banner, something which had not been seen before. This record provides important material for restoring Goryeo Buddhist flagpoles to their original form. It is also noteworthy that such flagpoles were called beon-gan (幡竿) at the time. Moreover, the record of a gilt vajra being carried by a wangsa (王師, royal preceptor) proves that a vajra was regarded as an attribute of a monk from early on. Although the original drawings included in Xu Jing’s Gaoli tujing have been lost, and its contents are rather peripheral and fragmentary, it still carries meaningful connotations by offering new perspectives and data on Goryeo crafts from 1123 that are now unrecoverable. However, its analyses of craftworks are somewhat superficial and illogical compared to the fuller analyses found in other literary sources, thus failing to provide substantial evidence on the originals. The second article “The Development of Suryukjae in Goryeo and the Significance of State-sponsored Suryukjae during the Reign of King Gongmin” by Kang Ho-sun systemically explicates the origins and execution of the Buddhist rite known as Suryukhoe (水陸會, water and land assembly) that began to be held during the Goryeo dynasty and remained significant well into the subsequent Joseon period. According to Kang, Suryukhoe were based on Siagwihoe (施餓鬼會, ceremony for feeding hungry ghosts) and served to pray for the repose of the deceased. They were held to save people from illness and assuage public sentiment even during the Joseon dynasty when Buddhism was constrained. Kang also describes how the royal court held Suryukhoe as a funeral rite in the early Joseon period and that as a result, this Buddhist ritual was included in Gyeongguk daejeon (經國大典, National code). Kang argues that the Suryukhoe of the early Joseon period derived from the national Suryukhoe that King Gongmin ordered Monk Hyegeun (惠勤), also known as Master Naong (懶翁), to perform during the funerary rite of his consort Princess Noguk-daejang at the end of the dynasty. Kang’s article is meaningful in that it expounds how the water and land assemblies, which first gained popularity during the Goryeo dynasty, continued to be held in Joseon despite this dynasty’s policy of restricting Buddhism. Kang claims that the sustained performance of Suryukhoe from the end of the Goryeo period into the early Joseon period originated in the national Suryukhoe held by King Gongmin. This assertion is based on various historical records regarding King Gongmin and Master Naong. However, Kang does not present the immediate grounds for King Gongmin’s holding of a national Suryukhoe as an element of the funeral rite. I personally believe the integration of national Suryukhoe into funeral rites could in fact have begun in the period under the rule of the Yuan dynasty, rather than during the reign of King Gongmin as suggested by Kang, given the insu&cient historical information from the Goryeo dynasty. The third article entitled “Thirteenth-century Wooden Sculptures of Amitabha Buddha from the Goryeo Dynasty and the Ink Inscriptions on their Relics,” is authored by Choe Songeun, who has performed extensive research on Buddhist sculptures from Goryeo dynasty. In this paper, Choe investigates the characteristics and production backgrounds of wooden Amitabha Buddha sculptures from the Goryeo dynasty by focusing on the Amitabha sculptures at Gaesimsa, Gaeunsa, Bongnimsa, and Suguksa Temples, within which votive objects and records have been recently discovered. Choe also provides an overview of the Goryeo Buddhist culture and on the creation backgrounds of these four sculptures by comprehensively examining their sculptural styles and the dharanis, ink inscriptions, and scriptures found inside them. Choe sheds light on the relation between the Goryeo royal court and the temporarily established office known as Seungjaesaek through an analysis of the ink inscription on the wooden plug used to seal a hole on the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Gaesimsa Temple. For the version at Gaeunsa Temple, she attempts to draw diverse historical inferences based on its prayer texts by identifying the commissioners and donors. Moreover, Choe discusses the relationship between the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Bongnimsa Temple and the historical figure Choe U, who played a leading role during the military regime that ruled Goryeo by analyzing documents extracted from the sculpture. The author additionally suggests the relevance of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Suguksa Temple to local families in Dongju (present-day Cheolwon) and its enshrinement background by scrutinizing the dharanis placed inside it. Furthermore, Choe argues that the proliferation of Amitabha Buddha sculptures was primarily a response to the devastation inflicted during the Mongol Invasions of Korea and that the expansion of demand for Buddhist sculptures led to both the increased use of wood due to its availability as a material and to the production of uniform styles. This article is academically stimulating since the author researches a broad range of subjects spanning from the particulars of Buddhist sculpture to their materials and offers new suggestions based on historical inferences. Although her effort to present a range of possibilities is praiseworthy, there seems insufficient evidence for absolutely proving these prospects. Some readers may think that her paper does not provide enough evidence for the argument that the seated sculptures of Amitabha Buddha at Gaesimsa and Suguksa Temples could have been produced in the same workshop due to their stylistic similarity. If such a case, I would suggest referring to her Korean paper on the same theme, which provides convincing proof and detailed elucidation of the sculptural styles involved.1 In her article “Consecrating the Buddha: The Formation of the Bokjang Ritual during the Goryeo Period,” Lee Seunghye examines the sacred objects interred in the interior spaces of Buddhist sculptures during the Goryeo dynasty to illuminate the background and meaning of the contemplation of Buddha images. The author points out that interpreting these votive objects from Goryeo Buddhist images according to Josang gyeong (造像經, Sutras on the production of buddhist images), published during the Joseon dynasty, raises several issues. Lee instead reconsiders votive objects and related documents from the mid-Goryeo period and the cultural exchanges between Goryeo and the Liao dynasty, which maintained a close relationship with Goryeo during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In particular, she reassesses the impacts of Miaojixiang pingdeng mimi zuishang guanmen dajiaowang jing (妙吉祥平等祕密最上觀門大敎王經, Sutra on the king of the great teaching of visualization methods which are auspicious, universal, secret, and superlative), which was embraced by Goryeo in the eleventh century and also quoted in Josang gyeong on the development of the rituals for enshrining sacred objects within Buddhist sculptures at the time. The sutra, translated by the monk Maitribhadra (慈賢, Ch. Cixian, K. Jahyeon) and cited as Myogilsang daegyowang gyeong (妙吉祥大敎王經) in Josang gyeong, has been considered to record the ritual for and order of filling the five treasure bottles (五寳甁, obobyeong), the core of the objects placed inside Buddhist sculptures during the Goryeo dynasty. However, Lee argues that in fact, it originally detailed the abhiseka (灌頂, initiation) rite of practitioners, not the five treasure bottles . Moreover, the author emphasizes that Miaojixiang pingdeng mimi zuishang guanmen dajiaowang jing was an Indian Esoteric Buddhist scripture presenting the names of the Five Buddhas as written in the Vajrasekhara Sutra (金剛頂經, Diamond peak sutra). According to Lee, the initiation rite of the five treasure bottles in Myogilsang daegyowang gyeong, which consecrated a sculpture to turn it into a Buddha or Bodhisattva after making and chanting mantras, allowed a Buddha’s body as a microcosm to correspond to the Buddha as a macrocosm through the installation of the five treasure bottles. She suggests that the ritual of enshrining sacred objects into a Buddhist sculpture was essential to this transformation. Lee’s article is noteworthy in that it discusses the development and philosophy of votive objects from Goryeo Buddhist sculptures with a focus on the acceptance and transformation of the objects’ ritual functions, challenging the existing approach based on Josang gyeong. However, some votive objects from the Goryeo and Joseon periods cannot be understood solely on the basis of Miaojixiang pingdeng mimi zuishang guanmen dajiaowang jing. Rather, the implicit thinking these objects represent is based on Josang gyeong. I agree with Lee regarding her argument that Miaojixiang pingdeng mimi zuishang guanmen dajiaowang jing played an important role in establishing the rites for enshrining sacred objects inside Buddhist sculptures during the Goryeo dynasty. Nevertheless, diverse approaches will be required before we can reach a full conclusion. In “Clothing and Textiles Depicted in Goryeo Paintings of Water-moon Avalokitesvara,” Sim Yeonok emphasizes the value and significance to the history of Goryeo clothing and textiles of the textile designs depicted in paintings of Water-moon Avalokitesvara, the quintessence of Korean Buddhist art. In this paper, Sim proposes periodic characteristics for textile designs by comparing those seen in paintings of Water-moon Avalokitesvara with actual textiles of the same age, Chinese examples from the Song, Liao, and Yuan dynasties, and Japanese examples. She also addresses the textile weaving techniques and pattern-making methods used at the time. Based on this historical research, Sim endeavors to reproduce the actual fabric of the skirt and veil worn by Avalokitesvara in the painting. Moreover, she categorizes the designs illustrated in the inner robe, skirt, loincloth, sash, and veil of the deity into water waves, a nest in a tree filled with eggs, hexagonal lotus $owers, snowflake-and-circles, floral medallions, and pomegranate-and-beads. She further elaborates the locations, compositions, and forms of these designs. The author not only describes the formal features of each design through comparisons with contemporaneous Chinese, Japanese, and Korean textiles, but also reassesses the designations of patterns by referring to pertinent literature, including Wongan nogeoldae (原刊老乞大) the original textbook of colloquial northern Chinese, Yingzao fashi (營造法式, Treatise on architectural methods), and Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo). Furthermore, Sim proposes identifications for the types of textiles portrayed in the paintings and their pertinent weaving techniques. According to Sim, Avalokitesvara’s skirt is a depiction of geum (錦), a silk fabric with a design of hexagonal lotus $owers, while the veil consists of ra (羅), silk gauze rendered only with deviant crease lines, and sa (紗) silk gauze with a pattern of snowflakes and circles. Based on these assumptions, she has reproduced the actual fabrics of the skirt and veil herself by hand-weaving. To reproduce the sa silk gauze veil with a design of snow$akes and circles, she wove sa silk gauze and gilded it with cloud patterns. This article asserts that various designs in the painting of Water-moon Avalokitesvara are not simple pictorial depictions, but realistically reflect actual characteristics of Goryeo textiles and the compositions of Goryeo textile patterns. The reproduction of the deity’s skirt and veil by restoring the tools and techniques needed for weaving patterned fabric, ra silk gauze, and sa silk gauze is meaningful to the study of Korean traditional textiles since no looms from the Goryeo dynasty have survived. However, the article does not touch on the peculiar context of Water-moon Avalokitesvara as religious art. Goryeo art is widely considered highly ornate and aristocratic, as revealed in the ceramics, Buddhist painting, imposing architecture, mother-of-pearl lacquerware, and metalworks of the era. However, further meaning can be found in Goryeo Buddhist sculpture as it moved beyond its Chinese origins after the ninth century and began to manifest unique features. During the Unified Silla period, Buddhist figures were depicted with rigid appearances and postures and as overly transcendental beings. By the Goryeo era, they came to be depicted in a more nativist style. Many scholars opine that Goryeo Buddhist sculptures with their familiar faces, slightly unnatural poses, and subtle smiles most distinctively demonstrate a Korean aesthetic. These features of Goryeo Buddhist sculptures represent a different vision of beauty pursued by the people of Goryeo regardless of the financial capacity of the commissioners or skill of sculptors. Thus, Goryeo art embodies a splendid dignity yet humane simplicity. It was in this period that Korean art was first created to suit the longings of the public.

While the Unified Silla Kingdom established an eclectic artistic style by embracing diverse foreign cultural elements in the centuries after the Three Kingdoms period and provided a solid future foundation for Korean metalwork, the evolution and advancement of this craft were promoted during the Goryeo dynasty through the development of distinctive Korean forms and styles. Buddhism further flourished during this era, and the number of Buddhist temples greatly expanded, leading to the increased production of a wide variety of religious metalwork. These numerous metal items included Buddhist ritual objects required for the more complex and diverse rituals and adornments of the Seon school of Buddhism (禪宗) that began to gain popularity in the late Unified Silla period. The aristocratic aesthetic and splendid dignity of Goryeo art are demonstrated most fully in the era’s metalwork. Status and Characteristics of Goryeo Dynasty Crafts in Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經, Illustrated record of the Chinese embassy to the Goryeo court in the Xuanhe era; hereafter Gaoli tujing) was written by Xu Jing (徐兢), who joined the diplomatic mission to Goryeo in 1123 lead by Lu Yundi (路允迪). He stayed in Goryeo for roughly one month by order of Emperor Huizong of Song China. His writings provide information on the architecture, religion, rites, figures, and customs of the time. Gaoli tujing consists of 40 volumes with 28 chapters and roughly 300 sections. Volumes 30, 31, and 32, in particular, focus on vessels of daily use, serving as a valuable reference for the study of Goryeo crafts. The original version of Gaoli tujing that included illustrations was lost in a fire, but a copy published in 1169 survives. After returning to Song China in 1124, Xu Jing presented Gaoli tujing to Emperor Huizong. His documentation of diverse aspects of the lives of Goryeo people, including their daily routines, culture, folk customs, and vessels, provides vivid and varied details about the Goryeo dynasty. Najeon Chilgi Craft The Goryeo craftworks mentioned in Gaoli tujing can be largely divided into daily craft wares and metalwork. First, mother-of-pearl lacquerware will be examined. The term najeon chilgi (mother-of-pearl lacquerware) refers to the technique of inlaying shell in an object to be lacquered and also to the works so produced. The technique of lacquering wooden objects has been practiced since prehistoric times, but no lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl from the Three Kingdoms or Unified Silla has survived. However, bronze mirrors inlaid with mother-of-pearl from these periods indicate that a technique involving mother-of-pearl inlay began to develop from early on in the Korean Peninsula. During the Goryeo dynasty, wooden objects were covered with a hempen cloth and decorated with thinly sliced abalone shells. Tortoiseshell painted using a technique known as bokchae (伏彩, reverse-side coloring) was added, and borders of plant stem and other designs were rendered using silver or copper thread. Most najeon chilgi wares of the Goryeo dynasty were adorned with chrysanthemum scrolls. The inlay techniques pioneered at this time continued to be used in the Joseon era. From the mid-Joseon period, however, tortoiseshell was no longer applied. Moreover, silver thread or copper thread was replaced with thread-like strips of mother-of-pearl. Literature on the aesthetic value of Goryeo najeon chilgi is scarce. However, according to Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo) and Dongguk munheon bigo (東國文獻備考, Remarks about documents on Korea), “King Munjong of the Goryeo dynasty sent najeon chilgi wares to the royal court of the Liao dynasty as a gift in 1047” (the first year of the reign of King Munjong). “Gyobingji” (交聘志, Records on Exchanging Envoys) in Haedong yeoksa (海東繹史, History of Korea) and Xiushilu (髹飾錄, Records on lacquering) written by Huang Dacheng (黃大成) from the Ming dynasty, also mentioned Goryeo lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl being sent to China. These references suggest that Goryeo najeon chilgi wares were considered special high-end products esteemed even in other countries. In the Local Products Section of Volume 23 “Customs II” of Gaoli tujing, which was written during the golden age of Goryeo najeon (inlaying mother-of-pearl), Xu Jing stated, “In Goryeo, which has much copper but little silver and gold, people are not especially skillful in lacquering a bowl. However, their skill at inlaying mother-of-pearl is extremely delicate, and its elaboration is praiseworthy.” Clearly, this high-ranking Song official deeply appreciated Goryeo najeon technique and the beauty of objects it created and compared to the wares widely used in China at that time. Moreover, in Volume 15, “Horses and Vehicles,” Xu Jing mentioned a cavalryman’s saddle vividly ornamented with mother-of-pearl, which indicates the widespread use of najeon for decorating objects. Despite their brevity, his expressions “extremely delicate” (極精巧) and “praiseworthy elaboration” (細密可貴) suggest that he thought highly of these traits of Goryeo najeon. In contrast to Goryeo najeon, Chinese mother-of-pearl inlay technique at the time was experiencing a decline. Thus, although he had left only a short remark on Goryeo najeon chilgi, Xu Jing at least felt that it was worth noting. As Xu Jing recorded, Goryeo mother-of-pearl inlay technique achieved a high level of sophistication in the early twelfth century. Only a few examples of Goryeo mother-of-pearl lacquerware from this time remain. They demonstrate that tortoiseshell (daemo) painted using the bokchae (reverse-side coloring) technique was used to depict the petals or stamens of small flowers at least up to the twelfth century (Fig. 1). This daemo bokchae technique begins with grinding a tortoiseshell to a transparent thinness. Red, yellow, or other colors are then applied on the inner side of the shell so that they can be seen through it. The use of this technique in najeon chilgi ware is unique to Goryeo. The bokchae technique was also employed for coloring the decoration on diaphanous veils and mandorlas in Goryeo Buddhist painting. Commonly, the tortoiseshell in Goryeo najeon chilgi wares were colored in red and yellow. These tones harmonized with the iridescent mother-of-pearl to add vibrancy and a dignified beauty. Xu Jing, who observed this daemo bokchae in najeon chilgi wares, admired the quality of Goryeo najeon, as implied in his expression “praiseworthy elaboration.” Fig. 1. Buddhist Rosary Case with Chrysanthemum Design Inlaid with Mother-of-pearl and Colored Tortoiseshell. Goryeo, 12th century. D. 12.4 cm. Taimadera Temple, Japan Textiles Gaoli tujing also describes the textiles observed in Goryeo, including hil (纈, dyed and patterned silk pieces woven together), embroidered tents, embroidered paintings, and intricately woven mats. Although actual examples of such textiles no longer exist, the records in Gaoli tujing prove that Goryeo practiced relatively elaborate and diverse textile crafting techniques. In the Dyed and Patterned Silk Tents Section of Volume 28 “Tents and Other Accessories I,” Xu Jing states: “In ancient times, tents made of dyed and patterned silk [hil] were not used. Ancient people, however, called dyed and patterned silk pieces woven together hil. Recently, Goryeo people have come to produce exquisite hil.” This underscores the refinement of the dyeing technique in Korea during the Goryeo dynasty. Moreover, the Embroidered Tents Section in the same volume includes the following: “Embroidered tents are adorned with five-colored threads. Panels that make up tents are not connected by sewing; they instead drape down from the top. Over the red patterned silk tents, mandarin ducks, flying luan (a mythical Chinese bird), and bundles of flowers are embroidered with red and yellow threads.” This section also mentions embroidered paintings. According to Xu Jing, “embroidered paintings are created on red fabrics edged with additional green cloth, and the mountain flowers and frolicking animals embroidered in five-colored threads demonstrate an exquisite crafting surpassing that of embroidered tents.” He continues that “These paintings are also embroidered with flowers, bamboo, birds, animals, and fruits, all of which look lively and vivid.” Such comments on embroidery suggest the sophistication of the paintings of the Goryeo era. Woodcraft Gaoli tujing briefly addresses the wooden crafts of the Goryeo dynasty lacquered in red or black, including a bench chair, banquet table, and tray table (soban). Just as red-lacquered wares were exclusively used by the Joseon royal court, as evinced by extant examples, Gaoli tujing relates that red-lacquered tray tables were reserved for Goryeo kings or officials. This book also indicates that black-lacquered tray tables were produced during the Goryeo dynasty. Metalwork Metalwork in Goryeo is discussed in Volume 30 “Vessels I,” Volume 31 “Vessels II,” and Volume 32 “Vessels III” of Gaoli tujing. Vessels I and II, in particular, introduce specific types of metalwork. The criteria according to which Xu Jing categorized and listed them are unclear. However, this paper examines the characteristics of Goryeo metalworks presented in Gaoli tujing by focusing on existing metal objects and pertinent examples. According to Volume 23 “Customs II,” “… Goryeo … has much copper but little gold and silver.” This quote suggests that gold and silver were used less, while bronzeware, of which the main ingredient is copper, was abundant. A majority of the surviving Goryeo metalworks are made from bronze, an alloy of copper and tin. However, it is uncertain whether Xu Jing differentiated between copper and bronze. Nonetheless, his comment in Volume 23 “Customs II” demonstrates that Goryeo did indeed produce a large number of metal objects. In other volumes on vessels in Gaoli tujing, he described metalworks related to daily life, such as incense burners in the shape of animals or Boshan Mountain or with three legs; braziers; utensils for lighting lamps; bottles; and cups. The name and shape of each item is described in detail. Through this, Gaoli tujing provides an essential reference for the study of the diverse aspects and forms of Goryeo craftwork. 1. Metalwork for Daily Use 1) Incense Burner and Brazier Gaoli tujing describes incense burners in several shapes. As a case in point, an animal-shaped incense burner is recorded in Volume 30 “Vessels I” as follows: “This delicately carved incense burner in the shape of a mother animal and her child is made of silver. The mother is crouching while a small animal hangs on to her and looks back with its mouth open, out from which the incense smoke escapes. This incense burner is brought out only on official occasions at Hoegyeongjeon Hall and Geondeokjeon Hall and placed between two pillars of these halls … each [incense burner is made] using 30 geun (1.8 kilograms) of silver. The animal-shaped burner is connected to its stand, and it is 4 ja (121.2 centimeters) in height and 2 ja and 2 chi (66.66 centimeters) wide.” Compared to celadon animal-shaped incense burners, a relatively small number of metal examples remain. Bronze Square Incense Burner with Lion-shaped Lid and Ferocious Animal Design in Relief (Fig. 2) in a private collection may be similar to the one described in Gaoli tujing, which helps identify the production date of the bronze incense burner. Fig. 2. Bronze Square Incense Burner with Lion-shaped Lid and Ferocious Animal Design in Relief. Goryeo. H. 29.8 cm. Private Collection Gaoli tujing also details three-legged incense burners and others in the shape of Boshan Mountain, which suggests that vessels modeled after ancient bronzeware, including incense burners in the shape of Boshan Mountain, were created in abundance during the Goryeo period. Regarding braziers, Xu Jing recorded: “The brazier looks like a three-legged caldron (鼎, Ch. ding) with a flaring mouth. Three legs being bitten by beasts are attached to the body. Such braziers containing water are placed on a desk. In most cases, they are used to warm the hands in the wintertime. This one is 1 ja and 2 chi (36.36 centimeters) in width and 8 chi (24.24 centimeters) in height.” There are several large tripod braziers with animal-shaped legs from the Goryeo dynasty, including Brazier with Animal Legs at the National Museum of Korea (Fig. 3) and another brazier at the Korean Central History Museum in Pyongyang (Fig. 4). In particular, the brazier excavated from Jangpung-gun in the city of Kaesong (or Gaeseong) and currently housed at the Korean Central History Museum in Pyongyang is notable as the sole surviving example with an inscription. The inscription includes “the Gapsin Year,” referring to either 1164 or 1224. The latter date is presumed to be the production year of this brazier. Such braziers were in use when Xu Jing wrote Gaoli tujing. It is noteworthy that Gaoli tujing clearly defines Goryeo braziers’ being used for heating the hands in winter. Fig. 3. Brazier with Animal Legs. Goryeo. D. 50.5 cm, H. 21.5 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 4. Brazier with Animal Legs with Inscription of “Gapsin Year.” Goryeo. Excavated from Jangpung-gun, Kaesong-si. D. 113 cm, H. 39.1 cm. Korean Central History Museum in Pyongyang 2) Gwangmyeongdae Gwangmyeongdae (光明臺), a kind of candle holder, are important items for studying Goryeo crafts given that actual examples remain today and term is mentioned in Gaoli tujing. Gaoli tujing addresses the type of gwangmyeongdae with three legs as follows: Gwangmyeongdae are stands that hold a lamp or a candle. They have three legs on the bottom and a ribbed column like bamboo nodes in the middle. In the upper section is a tray with a small bowl in the center. Either a candle or a lamp is placed inside this bowl. A copper lamp is filled with oil, and its wick is held down by a small white rock. The lamp is then covered with a red net. The gwangmyeongdae is 4 cheok and 5 chon (136.35 centimeters) high, and the tray is 1 cheok and 5 chon (45.45 centimeters) wide. Its conical-hat-shaped cover is 6 chon (18.18 centimeters) high and 5 chon (15.15 centimeters) wide. As quoted above, gwangmyeongdae are large objects over one meter in height and have a pedestal with three legs, a bamboo-joint-shaped column, and a disk-shaped lamp rest on which to set a candle or other lighting appliance. Gwangmyeongdae commonly consist of a pedestal, stem, and lamp rest. Among the candle and lampstands made during the Goryeo dynasty, those with flat, disk-shaped rests lacking a sconce in the center were described as gwangmyeongdae. Quite a number of such gwangmyeongdae from the Goryeo dynasty have survived. For example, there is one made in the Muja Year excavated from Beopcheonsa Temple (Fig. 5), now in the collection of Handok Medico Pharma Museum, and another in the collection of the Chuncheon National Museum. Both of them bear an inscription that refers to them as gwangmyeongdae. Fig. 5. Bronze Gwangmyeongdae with Inscription of “Muja Year.” Goryeo. Excavated from Beopcheonsa Temple Site. H. 50.7 cm. Handok Medico Pharma Museum Lighting appliances of the Goryeo dynasty have been categorized into gwangmyeongdae and candlesticks with a sconce. However, recent research has found that candle holders in the style known as “beon” (燔) were also produced at the time. Beon refers to a lighting utensil with an empty column-shaped sconce in which a candle is pinned, rather than a sconce with a needle in the center of the base. Many beon-type candle holders have been unearthed from temple sites dating to the Goryeo dynasty, including Sanoesa Temple Site in Cheongju. In particular, the candle holder made in the Muja year with the inscription of “Beopcheonsa Temple” in the collection of Yeungnam University Museum bears an inscription describing it as a beon. Nonetheless, the most widely used lighting utensils throughout the dynasty were in fact either gwangmyeongdae or common needle-type candle holders. These two types are almost identical in terms of the columns serving as a handle and base, but their tops differ (Fig. 6). At the time Gaoli tujing was written, gwangmyeongdae and candles were both being used. However, it is presumed that oil lamps were more common than candles, as indicated in the section on the meetings of the royal government in Volume 22 “Customs I” of Gaoli tujing: “In the old days, people could not use candles. These days, they come to make candles more skillfully. Large ones are like rafters, and even small ones are 2 cheok (60.6 centimeters) long. However, they are not very bright.” Considering that Gaoli tujing was written in 1123, these sentences indicate that candle-making techniques were underdeveloped until the early Goryeo period, and even at the time of writing, their brightness was apparently unsatisfactory. Fig. 6. Bronze Candlestick with Inscription of “Sinmi Year.” Goryeo. H. 18.8 cm. Uhak Cultural Foundation, Yongin 3) Bottles and Cups Xu Jing also comments on water bottles in Gaoli tujing: “The shapes of most [Goryeo] water bottles are similar to those of Chinese ewers for serving alcohol. Made using 3 geun (1.8 kilograms) of silver, water bottles are placed in the abodes of officials like senior envoys, vice envoys, Dohalgwan, and Jehalgwan. Each water bottle is 1 ja and 2 chi (36.36 centimeters) in height, 7 chi (21.21 centimeters) in diameter, and contains 6 doe (10.82 liters) of water.” As recorded here, water bottles were differentiated from kundika during the Goryeo dynasty. Moreover, it is noteworthy that Goryeo water bottles were shaped like Chinese ewers for alcohol. A number of metal ewers in such a shape and with a handle remain from the Goryeo dynasty (Fig. 7). However, it is interesting that Gaoli tujing describes them not as ewers, but as water bottles. Fig. 7. Bronze Ewer. Goryeo. Excavated from Gwangdeok-ri, Goesan. H. 22.5 cm. Cheongju National Museum Gaoli tujing continues: “A flower vase (花壺) with a pointed top and a round bottom is shaped like a sagging gall bladder. It is set over a square support and flowers are placed inside the vase with water inside in all four seasons. Goryeo people were poor at making flower vases before, but they have recently become proficient. The overall height of the flower jar is 8 chi (24.24 centimeters), the diameter of its body is 3 chi (9.09 centimeters), and it has a capacity of 1 doe (1.81 liters).” The flower vase mentioned here appears to refer to a specific type of flower vase (花甁). Flower vases were commonly made out of clay. However, Gaoli tujing indicates that metal flower vases were produced as well during the Goryeo period and that the metalworking techniques of the time had reached an advanced level of sophistication. Gaoli tujing discusses banjan (盤琖), a set consisting of a cup for holding alcohol and stand, in the following section: “The banjan of Goryeo is similar to those in China. However, in Goryeo the cup is deeper and its golden rim narrows in. The section of the stand where the cup rests is small and the foot [of the stand] is high. Commonly, such cups and stands are made of silver, but sometimes plated with gold. Flower designs are delicately engraved. Whenever alcohol is offered, new cups are used. Their capacity is rather large.” Gilt-silver Flower-shaped Cup and Stand (Fig. 8) in the National Museum of Korea is thought to have corresponded to the banjan mentioned in Gaoli tujing. Fig. 8. Gilt-silver Flower-shaped Cup and Stand. Goryeo. H. 12.3 cm. National Museum of Korea Furthermore, the liquor vessel (酒榼, juhap) mentioned in Gaoli tujing needs to be investigated since it bears a resemblance to Ewer and Basin (Fig. 9) in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. According to Gaoli tujing, Fig. 9. Ewer and Basin. Goryeo. H. 34.3 cm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston “A liquor vessel is mostly portable. Its top part [lid] looks like an upturned lotus flower, and a ring-chain partially painted in gold is attached on both ends of the handle. It is specially used when alcohol is offered. Alcohol contained in this vessel looks superb and tastes good. It is 1 ja (30.3 centimeters) high, its diameter is 8 chi (24.24 centimeters), the chain is 1 ja and 1 chi (36.36 centimeters) long, and it has a capacity of 7 doe (12.64 liters).” The ewer at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, is considered a gilt-silver ewer since some parts are plated with gold. This ewer consists of a semi-spherical body with a long spout, a lid designed like layers of lotus flowers, a knob decorated with lotus flowers, and a handle on the side. Moreover, the flower-shaped basin in which the ewer is inserted remains intact, adding value to the ewer. What differentiates this ewer from others is the unique design of its body consisting of twenty-four bamboo stems. Each stem is delicately engraved with lotus scrolls. The upper and lower ends of the stems are also incised with scrollwork and plated in gold, which increases the splendor. Despite slight differences in details, the partially gilt liquor vessel with an upturned lotus-shaped lid from Gaoli tujing is presumed to have referred to the highest-class gilt-silver type of ewer made for holding alcohol. 4) Jars and Caldrons Regarding oil jars, Gaoli tujing states: “Most oil jars are shaped like wine jars and made of nickel. They do not have lids, but they are topped with nogs in case they fall and [oil] spills. Each oil jar is 8 chi (24.24 centimeters) high, its diameter measures 3 chi (9.09 centimeters), and it has a capacity of 1 doe and 5 jak (1.915 liters).” Comparing Silver-gilt Gourd-shaped Bottle (Fig. 10) with the smaller Silver-gilt Gourd-shaped Bottle (Fig. 11) in the National Museum of Korea, the latter is silver in color, which is similar to the color of nickel. It matches the oil bottle mentioned above. Its original stopper was lost, and the bottle is currently plugged with a replacement, but the original stopper may have been made of wood. Fig. 10. Silver-gilt Gourd-shaped Bottle. Goryeo. H. 11.1 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 11. Silver-gilt Gourd-shaped Bottle. Goryeo. H. 8 cm. National Museum of Korea 5) Seban (Washbasins) As its name suggests, a seban (洗盤, washbasin) appears to be a daily item in the form of a basin holding water for washing or other related activities. According to Gaoli tujing, there were several types of seban. The first type discussed in Gaoli tujing is ohwase (烏花洗): “[A basin] decorated with silver flowers is not used all the time, but only when senior or vice envoys personally meet the king. The flowers are created by dotting with glaze. Black patterns in varied weights decorate the white background. The circumference of the surface is 1 ja and 5 chi (45.45 centimeters), and the basin can contain 1 mal and 2 doe (21.6 liters) of water.” The original form of such ohwase can be observed in the washbasin with silver-inlaid design (Fig. 12) in the collection of the Jeonju National Museum. However, the washbasin at the Jeonju National Museum is at most a version used during the Abhiseka Buddhist consecration ceremony (灌頂盤) at a Buddhist temple sponsored by the royal family due to its large size and the exquisite silver-inlay adorning the entire interior surface of its dragon design. Fig. 12. Washbasin with Silver-inlaid Dragon Design. Goryeo. D. 77.3 cm. Jeonju National Museum The second type of washbasin mentioned in Gaoli tujing is baekdongse (白銅洗): “A nickel washbasin is similar to a blackish-silver washbasin in shape, but it has no decorations or coloring. Goryeo people call this a bingbun (氷盆). There is a type of washbasin made of red copper (赤銅洗, jeokdongse) of the same nature, but it is rather crudely manufactured.” Here, the baekdongse features a white hue because of its high tin content, while the elevated copper content of jeokdongse produces a red hue. Jeokdong (赤銅) is another name for the hwangdong (黃銅, brass) used in the Unified Silla period. However, as Xu Jing considered Goryeo jeokdongse “crudely manufactured,” there seems to have been some technical differences between Goryeo jeokdongse and refined Unified Silla jeokdongse. 2. Buddhist Metalwork While Volume 30 “Vessels I” of Gaoli tujing mentions water bottles as a crafted item in common use, Volume 31 “Vessels II” discusses a type of kundika that was an important Buddhist craftwork and vessel for making offerings. It explicates the shape and uses of a kundika in greater detail than other craftworks, thus providing significant data for dating and studying the metal kundika of the Goryeo dynasty. Gaoli tujing describes as follows: “A kundika has a long neck, bulging body, and spout on the side for pouring [water]. In the middle [of the ewer] are two sections where loops for tying a string are attached. There is a wide ring in the center of the neck of the lid which divides the upper and lower neck. This form recalls a portable brush. It is widely used by aristocrats, high-ranking officials, Daoist masters, Buddhist monks, and commoners, but contains only water. The ewer is 1 ja and 2 chi (36.36 centimeters) high, 4 chi (12.12 centimeters) in diameter; and holds a capacity of 3 doe (5.30 liters).” A kundika is a Sanskrit term for a type of ritual ewer that is known as a jeongbyeong in Korean. They originated out of the water bottles carried by traveling Buddhist monks in India. These ritual ewers as conceived in the Goryeo dynasty consist of an oval body, a long, slender, tube-shaped mouth, and a pouring spout on one side. Like incense burners, kundika are beautifully adorned with silver-inlaid designs of willow, waterfowl, clouds, cranes, dragons, flowering plants, and scrollwork (Fig. 13). The records mentioning ritual ewers in Gaoli tujing indicate that the ewers were used not only at Buddhist temples for holding water in front of the Buddha, but at houses of aristocrats, Daoist masters, and commoners as well. They further clarify that such ewers were exclusively for holding water, not alcohol. They make no mention of silver inlay, which suggests that such techniques might not yet have been applied to ritual ewers, or perhaps only began to be widely used later than the mid-twelfth century at the earliest. The lack of any reference to high-footed incense burners with silver-inlaid design in Gaoli tujing can be understood in the same manner. The earliest known example among Goryeo silver-inland ritual ewers and incense burners is an incense burner (Fig. 14) created in 1164 that once belonged to Baegworam Hermitage and is currently housed in the Koryo Museum of Art in Japan. Accordingly, it appears that ritual ewers and incense burners were not yet being inlaid with silver in 1123, or at least not yet widely popular. Fig. 13. Bronze Kundika with Silver-inlaid Willow and Waterfowl Design. Goryeo. H. 37.5 cm. National Treasure No. 92. National Museum of Korea Fig. 14. Silver-inlaid Incense Burner at Baegworam Hermitage. Goryeo, 1164. H. 26.5 cm. Koryo Museum of Art, Japan In regards to Buddhist temple bells, a definitive Buddhist craftwork, Xi Jing examined a huge bell hung at Bojesa Temple in Gaoli tujing: “A large bell is hung at Bojesa Temple. Despite its size, it does not ring out well. At the top of the bell is a dragon-shaped handle, and in the middle are a pair of flying immortals. According to the inscription carved on the bell, ‘This bell was produced in 1094 with 15,000 geun (9,000 kilograms) of nickel.’ Goryeo people related, ‘It was originally placed in a two-story pavilion; however, its sound reached the Khitan and Chanyu (單于) hated it. Therefore, the bell was moved to its current location.’ This is clearly an exaggeration, however.” Bojesa Temple mentioned here was situated in Hancheon-dong, Kaesong-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. Although the date of its establishment remains unclear, a record of a visit by King Jeongjong of the Goryeo dynasty in 1037 (the third year of the reign of King Jeongjong) proves that it existed at least prior to this date. When King Chungsuk ascended to the throne in 1313, its name was changed to Yeonboksa Temple. According to the inscription on the bell, in 1346 the Bell of Yeonboksa Temple was rusty when a Yuan dynasty Chinese bell master on his way home after crafting a bell at Jangansa Temple on Geumgangsan Mountain stopped to produce a new large bell. Dongmunseon (東文選, Anthology of Korean literature) also remarks on this event. Unlike other Buddhist bells from the Goryeo dynasty, the Bell of Yeonboksa Temple (Fig. 15) was created in the Chinese style. Considerably influenced by this example, many bells during the early Joseon period followed this Chinese style rather than a more traditional Korean manner. In the Joseon era, the Bell of Yeonboksa Temple is believed to have been transferred to the Southern Gate of Kaesong (Fig. 16). In Gaoli tujing, Xu Jing describes the bell of Bojesa Temple in detail. “A pair of flying immortals” that he mentions on the body of the bell might have referred to two heavenly beings commonly represented on the body of Goryeo Buddhist bells. His depiction of the bell proves that Bojesa Temple was home to a huge Goryeo-style bell made in 1094 before the Bell of Yeonboksa Temple from 1346. It suggests that the original bell at Bojesa Temple was produced in the traditional Korean style, unlike the later Yeonboksa Temple version. Moreover, in the Gwangtongbojesa Temple Section of the same Volume 17 “Shrines and Temples,” Xu Jing extensively describes buildings, Buddhist sculptures, and pagodas at Gwangtongbojesa Temple. He further states that “there is a large bell across from the priests’ living quarters, but its sound does not echo loudly.” This hints that Bojesa and Gwangtongbojesa Temples are in fact the same temple. Additionally, the fact that Xu Jing mentioned only the bell at Bojesa Temple among the many Buddhist temples in Kaesong indicates that there were only a few bells on the scale of the bell of Bojesa Temple in the city at the time. Fig. 15. Bell of Yeonboksa Temple. Goryeo, 1346. Southern Gate of Kaesong. H. 324 cm Fig. 16. “Southern Gate Pavilion in Gaeseong” in Album of a Journey to Songdo by Kang Sehwang. Joseon. National Museum of Korea Albeit briefly, Gaoli tujing also describes the Buddhist flagpoles (寶幢, bodang) at temples, and the vajras (金剛杵) used as a ritual implement in Esoteric Buddhism during the Goryeo dynasty. The Heungguksa Temple Section in Volume 17 “Shrines and Temples” records: “In the center of the garden, a copper banner pole (幡竿) stands. The diameter of the bottom is 60.6 centimeters, and its height measures about 30 meters … Its upper part is pointed, its body consists of several joined parts, and it has been gilded. The top of the banner pole is shaped like the heads of mythical bonghwang birds (Ch. fenghuang) holding a silk flag. Such poles can be found in other places, but the one at Anhwasa Temple is inscribed with ‘For the long life of the emperor in Great Song.’” This describes a Buddhist flagpole used at a temple. The extensive height of 30 meters and the assembly of joined parts recall other Buddhist flagpoles from the Goryeo dynasty, including the Iron Flagpole at Gapsa Temple and Iron Flagpole at Yongdusa Temple Site (Fig. 17) in Cheongju. However, the description of the flagpole as gilded and decorated with a bonghwang finial suggests that the conventional bronze flagpoles adorned with a dragon head finial, like the example in the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (Fig. 18), were not the only type produced during the Goryeo period, but that there were also flagpoles with a bonghwang head finial. Although the actual flagpole discussed in Gaoli tujing no longer remains, it is noteworthy that it was called a beongan, a pole for hanging a banner, and that the banner was hung from the mouths of bonghwang. Gaoli tujing could serve as a significant material for the restoration of such a flamboyant flagpole in its original form. Fig. 17. Iron Flagpole at Yongdusa Temple Site. Goryeo, 962. Yongdusa Temple Site, Cheongju. National Treasure No. 41. H. 12.7 cm Fig. 18. Gilt-bronze Miniature Buddhist Flagpole with Dragon Finial. Goryeo. H. 73.8 cm. National Treasure No. 136. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art Moreover, a brief phrase in the State Preceptor Section of Volume 18 “Daoism” relates: “… a monk who holds a rank higher than guksa (國師, state preceptor) is called wangsa (王師, royal preceptor). When meeting a royal preceptor, even kings bow. Royal preceptors wear a long-sleeved undergarment, a shawl adorned with a landscape, a violet lower garment, a black belt, and shoes with bells, and carry a golden balcha (跋遮).” Here, balcha, namely a vajra, is a Goryeo Buddhist craftwork worthy of notice. Considering that another name for a vajra is vasara (跋折羅, pronounced “baljeolla”), balcha here definitely refers to a vajra. They are presumed to have actually been made of bronze rather than gold. Until now, Esoteric Buddhist ritual implements are considered to have been predominantly produced mostly in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. However, the record in Gaoli tujing indicates that vajras were in use since at least the early twelfth century. In a similar vein, a vajra and vajra bell (Fig. 19) dated to the early twelfth century were recently excavated at the site of Dobongseowon Confucian Academy. Another new and important discovery stemming from Gaoli tujing is that high-ranking monks such as royal preceptors carried a vajra as an attribute. Fig. 19. Vajra and Vajra Bell excavated from Dobongseowon Confucian Academy. Goryeo, 11th century. Vajra: H. 19.5 cm, Vajra Bell: L. 17.7 cm. Seoul Baekje Museum Conclusion Notable characteristics of Goryeo dynasty crafts include the dramatic advances made in najeon chilgi (mother-of-pearl lacquerware) and the diverse applications of metalworking techniques. The originality of Goryeo crafting can be found in inlay. The fundamental forms of incense burners and kundika were based on Chinese counterparts, but the application of silver inlay decorations was an inspiration of Goryeo artisans. In addition to silver inlay, repoussé was often used in silver works and reflects the outstanding metalworking skill developed during the period. Exquisite repoussé technique, which emphasized three-dimensionality by creating a raised design by means of hammering from the reverse side and pressing marginal spaces from the front recalled filigree work. Repoussé established itself as the most remarkable technical trait of Goryeo metalcraft. Only a small portion of Gaoli tujing by Xu Jing describes Goryeo crafts. However, it does discuss various types of craftworks, including mother-of-pearl lacquerware, textiles, wooden wares, and metalwork. In particular, the forms and uses of types of metalworks are explained relatively comprehensively. Xu Jing’s brief comment on “praiseworthy elaboration” reflects the sophistication in mother-of-pearl inlay technique achieved in Goryeo by 1123. Mother-of-pearl lacquerware produced using the superlative daemo bokchae (reverse-side coloring of tortoiseshell) technique is presumed to have been exported abroad. Among textiles, Xu Jing notes embroidered tents and embroidery with images of flowers, birds, and animals. Moreover, for woodcraft, he remarks on tray tables and the red-lacquered wooden pieces used by the royal family and aristocrats since the Goryeo dynasty. The next category of crafts that Xu Jing highlights is metal, which is classified according to its use as incense burners, gwangmyeongdae, bottle and cup sets, jars and cauldrons, and washbasins. Gaoli tujing sheds new light on the incense burners and braziers of the Goryeo dynasty by focusing on their varied shapes, the large-scale production of Boshan Mountain-shaped incense burners modeled after ancient bronzeware, and the uses and forms of braziers with animal legs. Moreover, it provides crucial material for investigating the state of mass production of gwangmyeongdae and various kinds of lighting appliances in 1123, including candles. It can also be demonstrated through Gaoli tujing that water bottles of the era included bronze ewers that began to be produced in abundance from early in the dynasty. It cannot be said for certain, but the banjan (a set consisting of a cup and stand for holding alcohol) mentioned in Gaoli tujing appears to connect to Gilt-silver Flower-shaped Cup and Stand in the National Museum of Korea. In a similar vein, the explanation of juhap, a type of liquor vessel, in Gaoli tujing corresponds to Ewer and Basin in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Both banjan and juhap require further examination. Among the jars and cauldrons discussed in Gaoli tujing, oil bottles bear a resemblance to Silver-gilt Gourd-shaped Bottle in the National Museum of Korea, which also demands further in-depth study. Notably, Gaoli tujing divides Goryeo washbasins, whose designations were obscure until now, into nickel and red copper types. Furthermore, Gaoli tujing mentions only a few examples of Goryeo Buddhist metalworks, including kundika, a large bell hung at Bojesa Temple, a flagpole, and vajra. However, it provides relatively detailed information on ritual ewers, which helps date the ritual ewers of the period. In particular, the lack of reference to the silver inlay technique commonly applied in Goryeo ritual ewers and incense burners suggests that this may not have been fully implemented until around 1164 when the earliest dated incense burner, that of Baegworam Hermitage, was created. In this sense, the records on ritual ewers in Gaoli tujing are invaluable for understanding the development of silver inlay. Moreover, Gaoli tujing indicates that a large bell produced in 1094 and decorated with heavenly beings was hung at Bojesa Temple, which was expanded into Yeonboksa Temple, prior to 1346 when the new bell of Yeonboksa Temple was made. In addition, Gaoli tujing mentions a banner pole standing in the precincts of Heungguksa Temple adorned with a finial in the form of the heads of bonghwang holding a silk banner in their mouths. This information would be useful for restoring Buddhist flagpoles from the time. It has also been newly discovered that Buddhist flagpoles were once called banner poles. Lastly, Gaoli tujing mentions a gilt vajra held by a royal preceptor, which shows that a vajra was considered a monastic attribute from early on. The original illustrations included in Gaoli tujing by Xu Jing have been lost. Moreover, its contents presented from the perspective of a Chinese official are rather peripheral and fragmentary. Nonetheless, it carries meaningful implications in that it offers new perspectives and materials on Goryeo crafts from around 1123 that are otherwise absent or unrecoverable.

Most works of art are produced for a specific purpose. Buddhist artworks, and indeed all religious artworks, are created with the very clear objective of propagating the religion or aiding the enlightenment and conversion of believers. Buddhist artworks can be largely divided into two groups: sculptures and paintings designed as objects of worship, and ornamental craft objects (Buddhist implements). Buddhist sculptures created as objects of worship are enshrined on a particular altar within a specific temple hall, and as such the size of the temple hall places fundamental limitations on the scale and arrangement of the images. Moreover, the position from which worshipers behold an image during the Buddhist rites, assemblies, and general services held in the temple hall was predetermined to a certain extent, so sculptors sought out the most suitable physical forms for images while taking into account the level and position from which the images would be viewed. In other words, the sculptor produced the image based on a careful consideration of the interaction between the object of worship and the worshiper. If the purpose of enshrining a sculpture was to convey the holy teachings of Buddhism to worshipers and enable a sacred religious interaction between the object of worship and the worshiper, the images produced in the latter half of the Joseon period, which are still found enshrined in most temples today, can be cited as representative sculptures that superbly fulfill this purpose. Such an evaluation, however, is very much counter to the prevailing opinion that regards Buddhist sculptures made after the Japanese invasions of the Korean Peninsula (1592–1598) as inferior to those from previous eras in terms of artistry and sanctity. Many researchers consider these images to lack the artistic polish required of three-dimensional sculptures, stating that the head, large in comparison to the body, results in unsuitable proportions and the diminished mass of the body weakens the sense of volume. It is even argued that characteristics such as the lowered head and hunched back and neck are connected to the state policy of suppressing Buddhism in favor of Confucianism (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Wooden Seated Medicine Buddha by Monk Hyehui (惠熙). Joseon, 1677. Height: 107.5 cm, Width: 72.5 cm (across knees). Ilchuram Hermitage, Jeonju (Photograph by the author) These features of Buddhist sculptures from the later Joseon period (朝鮮, 1392–1910) reflect very different tastes compared to those manifested in Buddhist sculptures from the Goryeo (高麗, 918–1392) and early Joseon periods up to the fifteenth century. Although a tendency toward a diminished sense of volume may have continued from late Goryeo through the first half of the Joseon period, the lowered head and hunched shoulders are features that emerged only after the Japanese invasions. This means that new sculptural characteristics began to appear in Buddhist images in the fifteenth century, and that they became more pronounced during the seventeenth century after the wars with Japan. It can be presumed that such changes in the characteristics of Buddhist sculptures were an extension of various religious elements inside and outside of the temple halls, including the altar, the pedestal (for the sculpture), the wall behind the sculpture, the wooden floor, and the rites held in the hall. Temple Halls: Their Promotion of Buddhist Services and Their Interior Structure Changes in the interior structure of temple halls 1. Spread of Buddhist altars and their expanded proportions within the temple hall Buddhist altars (佛壇, buldan), a fixture serving both as a pedestal for enshrining a sculpture and a table upon which to place offerings to the Buddha, came to be widely established in temple halls starting in the latter half of the Joseon period. During the preceding Unified Silla (統一新羅, 668–935) and Goryeo periods, most temple halls had no altars. Images were generally enshrined on a pedestal alone, as seen in the eighth-century Seokguram Grotto from the Silla (新羅) period in Gyeongju and the Hall of Infinite Life (無量壽殿, Muryangsujeon) at Buseoksa Temple (浮石寺) in Yeongju. It is presumed that an early form of altar incorporating a pedestal for an image first appeared in the late Goryeo period. One such example is the altar in the Hall of Paradise (極樂殿, Geungnakjeon) at Bongjeongsa Temple (鳳停寺) in Andong, which is one of the oldest surviving wooden buildings in Korea (Fig. 2). As this early type of altar included no space for the arrangement of ritual implements used for offerings and services and was consequently used only for placing a pedestal to enshrine the image, it is considered to be the prototypical version of the rectangular altar with a flat upper surface that came to be widely used in the Joseon period (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 40–41; Her Sangho 2004, 131–135). Fig. 2. Buddhist altar. Late Goryeo. Wood and colored paintwork. 414.5 x 192.5 x 142.8 cm. Hall of Paradise (Geungnakjeon) at Bongjeongsa Temple, Andong (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 1992, p. 220) However, Buddhist altars were uncommon during the Goryeo period and the altar in the Hall of Paradise at Bongjeongsa Temple was an exception rather than the rule. It was not until the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries that temple halls with enshrined Goryeo Buddhist sculptures, such as the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Gaesimsa Temple (開心寺) in Seosan and the Hall of Silence and Light (寂光殿, Jeokgwangjeon) at Bogyeongsa Temple (寶鏡寺) in Pohang, came to include a partition-style altar installed around the original pedestal (Her Sangho 2004, 135–139). Even after the foundation of the Joseon dynasty, altars were not universally found in all temple halls, as evidenced by the Hall of Great Light (大光殿, Daegwangjeon) at Gosansa Temple (高山寺) in Hongseong, which features a pedestal but no altar (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. Pedestal. Joseon, 15th century. Stone. Height: 91.0 cm. Hall of Great Light (Daegwangjeon) at Gosansa Temple, Hongseong (Cultural Heritage Administration and Cultural Heritage Survey Team of the Foundation for Preservation of Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism 2004, Fig. 1825) The earliest intact Buddhist altar is found in the Hall of Paradise (極樂殿, Geungnakjeon) at Muwisa Temple (無爲寺) in Gangjin (Fig. 4). It is likely that the altar was made when the hall was constructed in 1430. At the latest, it would have already been completed by the time the altar painting behind the image was produced in 1476. The Muwisa Temple altar is similar to the one in Bongjeongsa Temple, but has a larger top plate for the arrangement of offerings and an additional space at the back that is used for storage. Hence, the Muwisa altar from the fifteenth century is the first of its kind that demonstrates all the characteristics common to altars installed in the latter half of the dynasty; that is, it was the first to accommodate the functions of enshrining an image on a pedestal, the arrangement of offerings, and storage. Fig. 4. Buddhist altar. Joseon, c. 1430. Wood and colored paintwork. 318.0 x 201.0 x 111.0 cm. Hall of Paradise (Geungnakjeon) at Muwisa Temple, Gangjin (Photograph by the author) Apart from the Muwisa altar, no fifteenth-century altar in its original form and with an inscription has yet been discovered. Hence, it is not known how many altars of this kind were created between the time of the Muwisa altar and the Japanese invasions of the late sixteenth century. Considering the partition-type altar made in 1569 in the Hall of Silence and Light at Bogyeongsa Temple, which was constructed prior to the fourteenth century, as well as other examples, all that can be confirmed is that altars were probably installed in other temple halls constructed in the sixteenth century (Figs. 5 and 6). That all temple halls rebuilt in the seventeenth century after the Japanese invasions included a Buddhist altar that could accommodate the three abovementioned functions makes it highly likely that the altar had already been established as a conventional feature of temple halls by the sixteenth century, prior to the invasions. Fig. 5. Buddhist altar. Joseon, 1569. Wood and colored paintwork. 358.0 x 159.7 x 92.0 cm. Hall of Silence and Light (Jeokgwangjeon) at Bogyeongsa Temple, Pohang (Photograph by the author) Fig. 6. Pedestal. Early Goryeo. Stone and colored paintwork. Height: 97.0 cm, Width: 139.0 cm (Upper section). Hall of Silence and Light (Jeokgwangjeon) at Bogyeongsa Temple, Pohang (Photograph by the author) The major difference between Buddhist altars from after the Japanese invasions and the fifteenth century altar in the Hall of Paradise at Muwisa is the proportion of the space within the hall occupied by the altar (Her Sangho 2004, 147). The Muwisa altar takes up only 7 percent of the hall, but in other temples this proportion gradually grew over time. This is demonstrated by the altar in the Hall of Paradise (極樂殿, Geungnakjeon) at Hwaamsa Temple (華巖寺) in Wanju from the early seventeenth century (1605), which occupies 13 percent of the hall; the altar in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Cheonggoksa Temple (靑谷寺) in Jinju, made in 1612, which occupies 9 percent; the altar in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Jeondeungsa Temple (傳燈寺) in Ganghwa, made in 1621, which takes up 17 percent; and the altar in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Hwaeomsa Temple (華嚴寺) in Gurye, which fills 21 percent. Over time, the average proportion rose to 11 percent. In the latter half of the seventeenth century, the altar came to take up even more space, as exemplified by the altar in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Gaeamsa Temple (開巖寺) in Buan occupying 18 percent of the interior and the altar in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Beomasa Temple (梵魚寺) in Busan occupying 24 percent. The average is 16 percent (Her Sangho 2004, 147). The reason behind this rapid enlargement during the early seventeenth century is the increase in the width of the top plate of the altar so as to accommodate all of the implements required for offerings and rites, a move apparently necessitated by the increased frequency of rites and services being held and the expansion of their scale (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 143). 2. Use of wooden floors and relocation of pillars Wooden floors were installed in the Buddha halls at most of the temples reconstructed in the seventeenth century. Though some temple halls from that time laid bricks for the floor, as seen in the Hall of the Enlightened Emperor (覺皇殿, Gakhwangjeon) at Hwaeomsa Temple in Gurye and the Hall of Eight Aspects of the Buddha’s Life (八相殿, Palsangjeon) at Beopjusa Temple (法住寺) in Boeun, a portable wooden floor was laid down for Buddhist services as needed (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 28–30). Brick floors are evident in all extant Buddha halls from the Goryeo to the early Joseon period, including the Hall of Paradise at Bongjeongsa Temple in Andong, the Hall of Infinite Life at Buseoksa Temple in Yeongju, the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Sudeoksa Temple (修德寺) in Yesan, and the Upper Hall of the Great Hero (上大雄殿, Sangdaeungjeon) at Janggoksa Temple (長谷寺) in Cheongyang (Fig. 7). Excavations of the sites of the lecture hall and the Hall of Vairocana Buddha (毘盧殿, Birojeon) at Bulguksa Temple (佛國寺) in Gyeongju have confirmed that Silla-period temple halls also had brick floors, indicating that a wooden floor is a characteristic of temple halls built from the seventeenth century onwards (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 29). Fig. 7. Flooring bricks. Goryeo. Upper Hall of the Great Hero (Sangdaeungjeon) at Janggoksa Temple, Cheongyang (Photograph by the author) It is unclear precisely when wooden floors were first laid in temple halls. Judging from a record stating that when the Hall of Vairocana Buddha at Seonwonsa Temple was expanded sometime between 1325 and 1326, at the end of the Goryeo dynasty, the floor was laid with boards, it can be confirmed that at the very least one temple hall in the fourteenth century had a wooden floor.1 Despite this example, it is assumed that wooden floors were not common in fourteenth-century temple halls. As mentioned above, all extant temple halls from the Goryeo period feature brick floors, which is also true of the Hall of Paradise at Muwisa Temple from early Joseon. This indicates that brick floors were the norm until the fifteenth century, and while wooden floors became conventional during the seventeenth century, they first appeared prior to the Japanese invasions of the late sixteenth century. This assumption is notable since it aligns with the fact that altars first appeared in temple halls in the fifteenth century and had become common by the seventeenth century, as examined above. Another important change in the internal structure of the temple hall is the gradual shift of the altar toward the back wall that resulted from a rearrangement of the internal pillars. Generally, a method of arrangement known as jeongchibeop (正置法), or “common placement method,” was applied in which high pillars were placed inside and aligned with the side wall pillars of the second row from the back. The altar was attached to the front of these high pillars (Fig. 8). Alternatively, when the high pillars were installed farther back than the second row and the altar and wall behind the Buddha were placed accordingly toward the rear, the method of arrangement was known as ijubeop (移柱法), literally the “pillar relocation method” (Fig. 9) (Bae Byeongseon 1993, 121–124). Research by architectural historians has revealed that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the use of ijubeop inside temple halls gradually took precedence over jeongchibeop until it accounted for 50 percent of major temple halls built in the seventeenth century. It grew even more widespread in the eighteenth century, eventually accounting for the arrangement in some 60 percent of major temple halls (Kim Hongjoo 2001, 13). Fig. 8. Floor plan showing altar aligned with side-wall pillars according to the jeongchibeop method. 1658. Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Beomeosa Temple, Busan (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 1994, p. 57) Fig. 9. Floor plan showing altar shifted toward the back according to the ijubeop method. 1621. Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Jeondeungsa Temple, Ganghwa (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 1986, p. 9) Promotion of Buddhist Services Why did this form of altar, larger in size and placed deeper inside a hall laid with wooden floorboards, appear in the seventeenth century? As Buddhism was suppressed by the Joseon state, its social and political influence waned and the foundations of the temple economy gradually eroded. Starting in the Three Kingdoms period (三國時代), Buddhism played a central role in the management of the state for over a thousand years. With the foundation of the Joseon dynasty, however, its influence not only in governance but across society in general largely diminished. Under these conditions, the Buddhist community actively sought avenues for survival. In response to public demand, popular participation in Buddhist events was encouraged. As the people were physically and mentally exhausted after the Japanese invasions, the Buddhist community took charge of consoling them by holding rites for the souls of the dead, such as the suryukjae (水陸齋, Rite for Deliverance of Creatures of Water and Land) and cheondojae (薦度齋, Rite for the Deceased and the Afterlife). To some extent, it was thus able to restore its position as a central force in society. Active participation by the general public in Buddhist affairs during the latter half of the Joseon period can be observed in various fields. Esoteric Buddhist texts, such as dharani, collected mantras, and ritual proceedings, were translated into Korean and published. Most of these projects were undertaken in order to pray for good fortune (Hong Yunsik 1986, 451; Nam Heesook 2004, 51–112). They were carried out for the benefit of the general populace, who had newly emerged as important patrons of Buddhism, as well as to encourage people to become closer to Buddhism. Attesting to this rising importance of ordinary believers is the fact that from the seventeenth century onwards names of people connected to the royal family or members of the ruling class, who had frequently appeared in writings for the collection of alms for Buddhist works (募緣文, moyeonmun) and written prayers (發願文, barwonmun) during the first half of the Joseon period, all but disappeared from the votive writings enshrined in Buddhist artworks or offerings and from the ridge beam inscriptions marking the start of a building project (上樑文, sangnyangmun). After this point dozens or even hundreds of people came to take part in the sponsorship of the production of new Buddhist sculptures or the construction of temple buildings. The names of nobles were replaced by those of common people and monks, a reflection of the shifts within the Buddhist community. This expansion of the number of people taking part in Buddhist projects as patrons also implies a reduction in the amount of alms offered per individual. Consequently, it can be deduced that in order to maintain the temples, the number of Buddhist services being held needed to grow in proportion. To collect sufficient alms for the maintenance of the temple from ordinary people with minimal financial means, ceremonies and services for believers would have been offered more frequently. Until the early Joseon period, Buddhist ceremonies were held at large outdoor altars installed inside the city walls of the capital or at streamside locations. During the latter half of the era, however, this was no longer possible and all such events had to be held within temple grounds. Major events such as the yeongsanjae (靈山齋, Vulture Peak Rite) and suryukjae, both of which attracted huge crowds, were held in the central courtyard of temples. Such mass participation in Buddhist proceedings gave rise in the first half of the seventeenth century to the production of gwaebul (掛佛), large hanging scroll paintings designed for outdoor assemblies (Chung Myounghee, 2000, 11–20). It is presumed that smaller ceremonies and rites that did not warrant an outdoor event were held either inside the Hall of the Great Hero or within another main hall at a temple. The laying of wooden floorboards and the repositioning of the indoor pillars toward the back of the temple hall were measures designed to create a larger space in front of the altar and thus accommodate a greater number of people inside the building (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 29). Indeed, it has been confirmed that at temples rebuilt in the seventeenth century after the Japanese invasions, the Hall of the Great Hero and other major temple halls were transformed into multifunctional spaces for various rites and services. This is connected to the fact that the suryukjae and other major events that had been held outdoors or in dedicated temple halls prior to the Joseon period had shrunk in scale and moved indoors with the decline of Buddhism. The main halls of temples (Hall of the Great Hero) built during the seventeenth century retained their function as spaces of worship of the principal icon, which was enshrined along the northern wall along with associated Buddhas and bodhisattvas, with an altar painting behind them. However, additional spaces for worship were added along the side walls, which sets these halls apart from corresponding examples from previous eras. On one side, paintings of Śakra and the guardian deities were enshrined to create a space for the protection of the temple, while on the other side paintings of Kṣitigarbha bodhisattva and nectar ritual paintings (甘露圖, gamnodo) were enshrined to provide an area for praying for the souls of the dead in the afterlife (Kim Bongryol 1989, 111–113). Buddhist texts, such as the Jineon gwongong (眞言勸供, Admonition for offering in true words) published in 1496 and the Beomeumjip (Collection of Sanskrit sounds) published in 1661, describe the three-level altar system of Korean Buddhist temples, comprising an upper altar for the Buddhas; a middle altar for guardian deities, Kṣitigarbha bodhisattva, and the retinue of the underworld; and a lower altar for departed spirits and lonely ghosts (Hong Yunsik 1975, 32). It is believed that such triple altars were installed in the Hall of the Great Hero. Originally devoted to Śākyamuni Buddha, the Hall of the Great Hero at temples constructed during the latter half of the Joseon period were multi-functional spaces with diverse altars to accommodate guardian deities and departed spirits that did not have dedicated temple halls of their own (Fig. 10). Fig. 10. Buddhist altars. Joseon, 16th century. Wood and colored paintwork. Height: 114.0 cm, Length: 675.6 cm. Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Hwanseongsa Temple (環城寺), Gyeongsan (Japanese Government-general of Korea 1932, Fig. 5503) As a result, temple halls rebuilt in the seventeenth century emerged as places more often frequented by believers and patrons who either took part in Buddhist services or visited the temple for other reasons. As the rites conducted in the hall became more prominent and more frequent, the volume of offerings laid on the altar grew as well. Consequently, the altar gradually widened and came to take up more space inside the hall. With the need to conduct various kinds of rites within a limited space and the consequent expansion of the altar in proportion to the rites, the need inevitably arose to make more efficient use of the given space. One method to secure the space necessary to accommodate the large number of believers taking part in rites and ceremonies would have been to reduce the size of the altar in the center of the hall, and another would have been to shift it further toward the back. Since the size of the altar was gradually expanding to allow the arrangement of Buddhist implements and offerings, the only viable solution would have been to move the altar to the rear. This idea is reinforced by the fact that the floors started to be laid with wooden boards in the seventeenth century, around the same time that the altar began to be pushed backwards to create more space. Previously, it had been necessary to place cushions or portable wooden floors on the ground to facilitate bowing to the Buddha during the worship service. Permanent wooden floors eliminated the need for dedicating space to the storage of such flooring equipment. Therefore, it is clear that by laying wooden floors it would have been possible to conduct rites and services in a more efficient manner (Lee Kanggeun 1994, 29). In relation to the increase in the number of Buddhist ceremonies held indoors, another interesting fact is that there is no mandorla behind the enshrined image in seventeenth-century temple halls, but rather a painting hung behind the altar or a mural on the wall (Fig. 11). The exact timing of the disappearance of mandorlas and the emergence of altar paintings and back-wall murals is unknown. In contrast to the clay seated Buddha inside the Hall of Infinite Life at Buseoksa Temple dating to the mid-Goryeo period, which does have a mandorla, it is notable that by the early Joseon period at other temples the mandorla had already been replaced by a mural behind the image. Examples include the Hall of the Great Hero at Bongjeongsa Temple in Andong, which records show to have been rebuilt in 1435, and the Hall of Paradise at Muwisa Temple in Gangjin, whose mural was produced in 1476 (Figs. 12 and 13). Hence, it can be stated that altar paintings or murals behind the image began to replace the mandorla by the fifteenth century at the latest, although this is not confirmed in any records written before the early Joseon dynasty. It is still uncertain, however, when they came to be used at all temples, since most temple buildings built prior to the sixteenth century were destroyed during the Japanese invasions and changes are thus hard to trace. However, in most temple halls rebuilt during the seventeenth century, the mandorla behind the sculpture was replaced by an altar painting. Based on this fact, it can be supposed that altar paintings and murals had entered the mainstream by the sixteenth century. Fig. 11. Buddhist altar and altar painting. Joseon, 1658 (altar); 1661 (image); 1882 (painting). Wood and colored paintwork. 177.5 x 989.7 x 273.0 cm (altar); 130.0 cm (image); 321.4 x 365.5 cm (painting). Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Beomeosa Temple, Busan (Kyungsung University Center for Korean Studies 2002, Fig. 6) Fig. 12. Clay Seated Buddha and mandorla. Mid-Goryeo. Height: 276.0 cm (image); 384.0 cm (mandorla). Hall of Infinite Life (Muryangsujeon) at Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju (Cultural Heritage Administration website) Fig. 13. Wooden Seated Amitābha Buddha Triad and mural. Joseon, 1476 (mural); 1478 (image). Height: 110.0 cm (Amitābha Buddha, center); 136.1 cm (Avalokiteśvara bodhisattva, to viewer’s right); 125.2 cm (Kṣitigarbha bodhisattva, to viewer’s left). Hall of Paradise (Geungnakjeon) at Muwisa Temple, Gangjin (Cultural Heritage Administration and Cultural Heritage Survey Team of the Foundation for Preservation of Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism 2006a, Fig. 56) Unlike a mandorla, altar paintings and murals on the back wall provide a space for the depiction of many diverse Buddhas and bodhisattvas. According to various books regarding Buddhist ceremonies published during the Joseon dynasty, rites generally began with the invocation of different Buddhist deities, and a physical representation of them would have been necessary. Three-dimensional sculptures would have been most effective at providing a realistic experience, but it would have been difficult to enshrine so many images within a small temple hall. Paintings provided a solution for the realistic representation of a large number of deities in a limited space. The Jineon gwongong, translated into the Korean script Hangeul in 1496 by the monk Hakjo (學祖), who was active during the reigns of Kings Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) through Yeonsangun (燕山君, r. 1494–1506), contains a chapter on ritual procedures. It states that the invocation of Avalokiteśvara bodhisattva was followed by a chanting of the names of the Lotus Sūtra (法華經) deities and then by chanting of the names of the Avataṃsaka Sūtra (華嚴經) deities. In the case of the Lotus Sūtra deities, Śākyamuni, Prabhūtaratna, and Amitābha Buddhas are invoked, followed by Mañjuśrī, Samantabhadra, and Avalokiteśvara bodhisattvas, and finally the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas of the Assembly on Vulture Peak. In the case of the Avataṃsaka Sūtra deities, Vairocana, Rocana (盧舍那), and Śākyamuni Buddhas are first invoked, followed by Mañjuśrī, Samantabhadra, Avalokiteśvara, and Mahāsthāmaprāpta bodhisattvas, and finally all the Buddhas and bodhisattvas of the Avataṃsaka Assembly. At all large Buddhist ceremonies held during the Joseon dynasty, such as the yeongsanjae and suryukjae, a procedure was held that required calling out of the names of all the Buddhas and bodhisattvas who appeared in paintings hanging in the main hall of the temple, such as the Painting of the Vulture Peak Assembly (靈山會上圖, Yeongsan hoesangdo), Painting of the Avataṃsaka Assembly (極樂會上圖, Geungnak hoesangdo), and Painting of the Amitābha Assembly (華嚴會上圖, Hwaeom hoesangdo). That is, the number of images of Buddhas and bodhisattvas required for rites and ceremonies in the main hall had expanded greatly over the previous period, and it is presumed that altar paintings and murals began to replace mandorlas in order to allow the visual representation of such a large number of deities. Moreover, the hanging of various paintings, such as the Painting of the Vulture Peak Assembly, Painting of the Avataṃsaka Assembly, Painting of the Amitābha Assembly, and Nectar Ritual Painting, attests to the large number of rites and ceremonies held inside the main hall. Changes in the Height of Buddhist Altars and Characteristics of Buddhist Sculptures The seventeenth century also brought changes to the arrangement and elevation of the interior of Buddhist temple halls. An elaborately decorated tier called the “jewel platform” (寶壇, bodan) was added to the altar’s top plate, the pedestal was placed upon it, and finally the sculpture was positioned on top of the pedestal. As discussed earlier, altars first came to be installed in temple halls between the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods, but it was not until the seventeenth century that they became a common feature across all temple halls. The height of the pedestal also grew during the seventeenth century. Consequently, the image was enshrined at a much greater height compared to in the preceding period. In most temple halls from the Three Kingdoms period to the Goryeo dynasty that have no altar, the image is enshrined at the relatively low height of around one meter. The Stone Seated Vairocana Buddha at Vairocana Hermitage (毘盧庵) in Donghwasa Temple (桐華寺) in Daegu, dating to the ninth century (during the Unified Silla period), sits on a pedestal about 1.13 meters high; the Stone Seated Vairocana Buddha in the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Cheongnyongsa Temple (靑龍寺) in Yecheon from the Goryeo dynasty sits on an 89-centimeter-high pedestal; and the Clay Seated Buddha in the Hall of Infinite Life at Buseoksa Temple in Yeongju sits on a 1.18-meter-high pedestal (Figs. 14 and 15). Created in the early Joseon period, the Clay Seated Buddha in the Hall of Great Light at Gosansa Temple in Hongseong rests on a pedestal 91 centimeters high. This illustrates that Buddhist sculptures from the Unified Silla period to the early Joseon era were enshrined on pedestals ranging in height from 80–90 centimeters to 120 centimeters, and the combined height of the image and the pedestal in most cases did not exceed three meters. The sculptures from this time sit with the upper body and head held rigidly upright, and have broad shoulders pulled straight back, presenting a stark contrast with examples from the latter Joseon period, which tend to show a lowered head and hunched shoulders (Fig. 16). Fig. 14. Stone Seated Vairocana Buddha. Silla, 9th century. Total height: 309.0 cm. Biroam Hermitage at Donghwasa Temple, Daegu (Cultural Heritage Administration and Cultural Heritage Survey Team of the Foundation for Preservation of Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism 2007a, Fig. 308) Fig. 15. Stone Seated Vairocana Buddha. Mid-Goryeo. Height: 112.0 cm (image); 89.2 cm (pedestal). Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Cheongnyongsa Temple, Yecheon (Cultural Heritage Administration and Research Institute of Buddhist Cultural Heritage 2008, Fig. 267) Fig. 16. Clay Seated Buddha. Joseon, 15th century. Height: 135.0 cm, Width: 89.2 cm (across knees). Hall of Great Light (Daegwangjeon) at Gosansa Temple, Hongseong (Photograph by the author) The altars of the early Joseon period enabled the sculpture to be enshrined at a higher level than previously erected. The Hall of Paradise at Muwisa Temple, built in 1430, has an 82-centimeter-high altar topped with a 71-centimeter-high pedestal. An image of Amitābha Buddha on the pedestal is therefore set at a height of 153 centimeters from the floor. Although its total height is somewhat greater compared to examples with no altar, it is still lower than Buddhist sculptures enshrined during the seventeenth century. The Amitābha Buddha at Muwisa Temple thus carries on the Goryeo tradition, and its sculptural characteristics do not differ greatly from those of the Buddha image at Gosansa Temple in Hongseong. In the seventeenth century, altars were commonly installed in temple halls and the characteristics of Buddhist sculptures began to change as altars and pedestals grew in height. The altar in the Hall of the Great Hero at Gwallyongsa Temple in Changnyeong, believed to have been built in 1618, is 108 centimeters high and topped with a pedestal of 85 centimeters, which means the sculpture is enshrined at a height of 193 centimeters. With the addition of the 160-centimeter-high sculpture, the total height reaches 353 centimeters (Fig. 17). In the Hall of the Great Hero (大雄殿, Daeungjeon) at Ssanggyesa Temple (雙磎寺) in Hadong, built in 1632, the combined height of the altar and jewel platform is 149.5 centimeters, and with the addition of the 79.3-centimeter-high pedestal, the height at which the image is enshrined is 228.3 centimeters. When the 186.5-centimeter-high sculpture is added, the total is 415.3 centimeters (Table 1). Fig. 17. Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions and altar. Joseon, 1618 (altar); 1629 (image). Wood and colored paintwork (altar). Height: 108.0 cm (altar); 160.0 cm (image). Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) at Gwallyongsa Temple, Changnyeong (Photograph by the author) Table 1. Height and Space Occupation Ratio of Buddhist Altars2 Temple / hall Altar / image Date Ratio Top plate Treasure platform Altar Pedestal Altar+pedestal Image Total height Gosansa Temple, Hongseong Stone pedestal 15th c. × × × × 91.3 91.3 Treasure Hall of Great Light (大光寶殿, Daegwangbojeon) Clay Seated Amitābha Buddha 15th c. 135.0 226.3 Muwisa Temple, Gangjin Altar (jeongchibeop) 1430 0.07 82.0 × 82.0 71.4 153.4 Hall of Paradise (Geungnakjeon) Wooden Seated Amitābha Triad 1478 110.0 263.4 Jeondeungsa Temple, Ganghwa Altar (ijubeop) 1621 0.17 93.0 22.0 115.0 51.0 166.0 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions (Śākyamuni Buddha) 1623 140.0 306.0 Gwallyongsa Temple, Changnyeong Altar (ijubeop) 1618 0.09 108.0 × 108.0 85.0 193.0 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions (Śākyamuni Buddha) 1629 160.0 353.0 Ssanggyesa Temple, Hadong Altar (ijubeop) 1632 0.13 124.0 25.5 149.5 79.3 228.8 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions (Śākyamuni) 1639 186.5 415.3 Hwaeomsa Temple, Gurye Altar (ijubeop) 1636 0.21 108.0 28.0 136.0 119.0 255.0 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Bodies (Vairocana Buddha) 1636 279.0 535.0 Jikjisa Temple, Gimcheon Altar (ijubeop) 1651 0.13 108.0 21.0 129.0 85.0 214.0 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions (Śākyamuni Buddha) 17th C. 132.8 346.8 Beomeosa Temple, Busan Altar (jeongchibeop) 1658 0.24 117.5 33.0 150.5 53.0 203.5 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Generations (Śākyamuni Buddha) 1661 135.0 338.5 Donghwasa Temple, Daegu Altar (ijubeop) 1727 0.15 99.0 31.0 130.0 52.0 182.0 Hall of the Great Hero (Daeungjeon) Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions (Śākyamuni Buddha) 1727 145.0 327.0 The combined height of the altar and the pedestal had increased greatly by the seventeenth century compared to the fifteenth century. As shown in Table 1, in the seventeenth century the image was enshrined at a minimum height of 166 centimeters (Hall of the Great Hero at Jeondeungsa Temple in Ganghwa) and at a maximum height of 255 centimeters (Hall of the Great Hero at Hwaeomsa Temple). In most cases, the height was around 200 centimeters. In all cases, the combined total height of the sculpture, pedestal, and altar exceeds 300 centimeters, which means that the principal icon in the major halls at all temples was enshrined at a combined height of around 350 centimeters. However, no clear answer has yet been found as to why the altar grew to be so high. Raising the altar might have been a measure for enshrining the sculpture at a greater height, but why was it considered necessary in the seventeenth century to place the sculpture at a higher level than before? It is proposed here that the increase in height was based on concerns that enshrining the image within a confined space would be of less impact, and hence weaken the devotee’s sense of reverence and awe when coming before the Buddha. Following the Japanese invasions of the late sixteenth century, many people frequented temples to take part in Buddhist services, and they would have approached the image more closely than before. At such range, the worshiper may have experienced a stronger interaction with the object of worship, but the proximity could have potentially reduced the sense of awe and respect. As the area occupied by the altar grew gradually larger to accommodate the arrangement of offerings used in ceremonies and rites held inside the temple hall, the altar and back pillars were moved further toward the back to provide additional space for these events, as mentioned above. However, this measure alone would not have been sufficient to enable the worshipers to experience the majesty and dignity of the Buddha in a small space and at an intimate distance. Other measures had to be taken, therefore, to inspire greater reverence and awe among worshipers. Two courses of action were pursued. First, the sacred space centering on the altar was richly ornamented in order to visually distinguish it from the mundane world. Second, a supplemental platform was placed on the altar and a pedestal was set on top of it to raise the enshrined Buddhist image to a greater height. These measures would have been effective to some extent in causing the worshiper to look up at the image and contemplate its majesty. In particular, those images enshrined at a height almost double that of images from the fifteenth century would have emanated considerable dignity and authority, even when worshipped from up close. The final outcome of these changes inside temple halls during the seventeenth century was the enshrinement of the image at an elevated level within a small space. As a consequence, it became no longer viable to produce sculptures maintaining the same appearance as those from the early Joseon period. The style of the Goryeo and early Joseon periods is characterized by a strictly upright body with the head held high and eyes gazing straight ahead. In the seventeenth century, however, with the image enshrined high atop an altar and pedestal, it became difficult for the worshiper to comfortably look into the face of such an image. Hence, it can be presumed that the altered appearance of seventeenth-century Buddhist sculptures, marked by a lowered head that was large in proportion to the body with its shoulders hunched forward, would have been influenced by the conditions inside the temple hall. When a worshiper looks up at close range at an image enshrined high up, the head must be large relative to the body if it is to appear balanced in proportion with the body. The head must also be lowered if worshipers are to look at the face and eyes straight-on. If Buddhist sculptures in the style prevalent prior to the fifteenth century had been enshrined high on seventeenth-century altars, the head would have appeared remarkably smaller than its actual size and the face would have seemed distorted. In addition, if sculptures from the latter half of the Joseon period had been enshrined not at a height of around 200 centimeters, but at 100 centimeters, as in the first half of the Joseon dynasty, it would have been hard to avoid a sense of distortion of the face (Fig. 18). Fig. 18. Wooden Seated Medicine Buddha. Level view (left); View looking upwards (right). Joseon, 1677. Height: 107.5 cm, Width (across knees): 72.5 cm. Ilchuram Hermitage, Jeonju (Photograph by the author) These tendencies began to appear among a very small number of early Joseon images and became fully established entering the seventeenth century. It is generally understood that these features carried over to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It can certainly be argued that the characteristic upper body and head that appear hunched forward and the head that seems large in proportion to the body of Buddhist sculptures from the latter half of the Joseon dynasty resulted from reduced skills on the part of sculptors under the decline of Buddhism during the Joseon period. However, and more importantly, they are also the result of a creative effort to ensure that worshipers could properly behold the face of the image by adjusting the sculpture to suit the height at which it was to be enshrined. Conclusion The Buddhist temple halls rebuilt in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries following the Japanese invasions took on a distinct appearance compared to those built before the wars. An altar was placed in the center of the rectangular hall, and the floor around the altar was laid with regular wooden boards. One pillar rises from each of the back corners of the altar, and a rectangular board serving as a wall is affixed at the back of the altar with a mural painted on it or a hanging altar painting. The repositioning of the pillars with the changed position of the altar and its backing toward the rear of the hall (ijubeop) became widespread practice. Consequently, 50 percent of temple halls from the seventeenth century and 60 percent of those from the eighteenth century show this positioning of pillars designed to create a larger space in front of the altar. These elements in temple halls are related to the shift in the prominence of common people within the Buddhist community during the latter half of the Joseon period, and ultimately affected the characteristics of the Buddhist sculptures enshrined within the halls. Over the course of the Joseon period, the power of Buddhism continued to decline. Its social roles diminished, leaving only its religious functions. In place of the royal family and ruling-class believers who had been the mainstay of the temple economy, the common people came to constitute the core body of believers. As such, many ceremonies and rites, large and small, began to be held at temples, and it is presumed that larger numbers of people took part in these events during the latter half of the Joseon period than in the first. This is confirmed by the changes in the ranks and number of believers listed in the writings for the collection of alms for Buddhist works and written prayers. That is, the greater part of the burden of temple finances was transferred from the small number of rich patrons contributing large amounts in the first half of the dynasty to large numbers of ordinary people contributing small amounts in the latter half. As great numbers of ordinary people began to participate in the patronage of Buddhist works at the temples, ceremonies and rites had to be frequently held. It is presumed that the larger ceremonies were performed in the central courtyard where a large scroll painting was hung, while smaller rituals took place inside temple halls. In the latter half of the Joseon period, altars were universally installed inside temple halls, and over time they grew gradually larger as a means to provide sufficient space for the arrangement of offerings used in the rites. As the number of believers taking part in Buddhist services increased, the space inside the temple hall became insufficient. Measures such as the laying of wooden floorboards and installation of internal pillars toward the back of the hall were used in an effort to maximize the amount of space inside the hall and accommodate the crowds. Believers attending these ceremonies and rites inevitably gazed upon the Buddha image at very close range, which diminished their sense of awe and respect. In response to this, an additional level called a “jewel platform” was placed on top of the altar and a high pedestal was set on top of that. By displaying the Buddhist image at a greater height than before, the sacred space could be distinguished from the secular world. Buddhist sculptures from the latter half of the Joseon dynasty were enshrined at a great height of around 200 centimeters and showed certain distinct characteristics compared to previous sculptures, which were enshrined at a height of around 100 centimeters. In general, sculptures from the latter half of the dynasty featured a head that was large relative to the body, lowered, and tilted forward, as were the shoulders. In addition, the body evinced a diminished sense of volume and depth. While those are traits common to Joseon Buddhist sculpture in general that had carried over from the late Goryeo period, the large, lowered head and hunched shoulders are peculiar to images from the latter half of the Joseon period. These features were a creative innovation made by sculptors who wished to ensure that believers had the most comfortable view of the face possible when the Buddhist image was enshrined at a great height. In the halls of Buddhist temples built during the latter half of the Joseon dynasty, the shortage of space resulting from increasing numbers of people participating in ceremonies and rites was addressed with interior pillars placed further toward the rear and the installation of wooden floorboards. The reduced sense of awe and respect in the presence of the image caused by the mingling of the sacred with the mundane within the space was resolved by raising the altar and pedestal to separate the sacred from the mundane. The image was accordingly enshrined at a great height, which in turn required sculptors to devise new features as a means to distinguish it from preceding images enshrined on lower pedestals. The forward-tilted head and hunched body of sculptures from the latter half of Joseon was the best solution to address the goal of maximizing interaction between the worshiper and the object of worship in the altered temple hall environment.

The Buddhist pantheon comprises such deities as Buddhas, bodhisattvas, disciples, and guardians. Known as nahan in Korean and as luohan (羅漢) in Chinese, arhats (a Sanskrit name) are disciples of the historical Buddha Shakyamuni; they are human beings who have achieved enlightenment but have deferred entry into nirvana until the Buddha Maitreya finally appears. Possessing the supernatural powers of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, they remain on earth to protect the Buddhist law and to guide the spiritual progress of all sentient beings. They are worshiped as groups rather than as individuals; those groups sometimes include sixteen, sometimes eighteen, and other times even five hundred arhats. Monks of the terrestrial realm, arhats differ from the divine beings confined to Buddhist ethereal or celestial planes. Arhat iconography is relatively uncodified, and paintings of arhats typically represent figures with naturalistic human features set in realistic environments. The need for paintings of arhats developed rapidly in China late in the Tang Dynasty (唐, 618 – 907) and Five Dynasties period (五代, 907 – 960) in accordance with the growth of arhat worship. Many paintings of arhats were produced in Korea during the Goryeo (高麗, 918 – 1392) and Joseon (朝鮮, 1392 – 1910) Dynasties; even so, most such paintings have disappeared due to wars or the internal circumstances of individual temples. In fact, only forty sets of Korean arhat paintings remain today, a number substantially lower than that of extant arhat paintings from China and Japan. Whatever the reason for this relative paucity, Korean arhat paintings have received but scant attention from scholars of East Asian Buddhist art. Even so, the few extant Korean paintings are representative of the period in which they were created and reflect a variety of iconographic types and painting styles. In this regard, they are crucial to understanding the development of the East Asian tradition of arhat painting. The painting of Deoksewi, the 153rd of the 500 Arhats (第一百五三 德勢威尊者, hereafter “the LACMA Deoksewi”), in the collection of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA) exemplifies the unique characteristics of Korean arhat paintings. Commissioned during the reign of King Myeongjong (明宗, r. 1545 – 1567) by his mother Queen Munjeong (文定王后, 1502 – 1565), a fervent Buddhist devotee, this painting reflects both the reverence for arhats during this period and the characteristics of court-sponsored Buddhist art. In addition, it is the only known arhat painting from the early Joseon period (1392 – 1592). First introduced by Kim Hongnam in 1991 (Kim Hongnam 1991, 40-41), this painting has been included in several studies, but most publications have provided only a short description of the iconography and the patron, leaving the scroll’s full importance yet to be explored. This paper will examine the LACMA Deoksewi painting’s composition and style as well as the circumstances of its patronage in order to reveal both its significance and the unique characteristics of Korean arhat paintings. Queen Munjeong’s Arhat Worship This Deoksewi scroll (Fig.1) measures 45.7cm in height and 28.9cm in width; it was painted in ink with highlights in vermillion, copper-green, dark blue, white, and gold pigments. The arhat is represented as a venerable old monk seated on a rock beneath a tree and holding a Buddhist sutra. The inscription at the upper right translates “The 153rd disciple Deoksewi” (第一百五三 德勢威尊者); an inscription along the painting’s left edge (Fig. 2) records: In the fifth month of the imsul year (壬戌年, 1562), Great Queen Dowager Seongryol Inmyeong Daewang Daebi of the Yun clan had 200 arhat paintings created in honor of his majesty King Myeongjong and enshrined them at Hyangnimsa Temple on Mt. Samgak, for the King’s vitality, prosperous descendants, a flourishing nation, the welfare of the people, and her own longevity. 聖烈仁明大王大妃尹氏爲 主上殿下無病萬歲子盛孫興 國泰民安仰亦己身所願圓成壽星永曜 新畵成聖僧二百 幀掛安于三角山香林寺 聖烈仁明大王大妃尹氏爲 主上 殿下無病萬歲子盛孫興國泰民安仰亦己身所願圓成壽 星永曜 新畵成聖僧二百幀掛安于三角山香林寺 Fig. 1. Deoksewi. Joseon, 1562. Color on silk, 45.7 × 28.9cm. Los Angeles County Museum of Art (Author’s photograph) Fig. 2. Deoksewi. inscription (Author’s photograph) These inscriptions reveal that the painting was commissioned in 1562 by Queen Munjeong (referred to by the honorific title “Great Queen Dowager Seongryol Inmyeong Daewang Daebi”) as part of a commission for 200 arhat paintings for Hyangnimsa Temple (香林寺) on Mt. Samgak (三角山). The figure in the painting is clearly identified as Deoksewi, the 153rd disciple among the 500 arhats. Queen Munjeong ruled as regent for her son King Myeongjong, the thirteenth Joseon monarch, who ascended the throne in 1545 at age twelve. She dominated the government during her eight-year regency and, even after retiring from this prominent role, continued to yield considerable political and governmental power. In contrast to other Joseon rulers who suppressed the public practice of Buddhism, she actively promoted Buddhist worship. Together with a prominent monk named Bou (普雨, 1515 – 1565), she restored the “Seunggwa jedo” (僧科制度, a royal court recruitment system for selecting Buddhist monks) and the “Docheop je” (度牒制, a royal court licensing system for Buddhist monks) that had been abolished during the reign of King Jungjong (中宗, r. 1506 – 1544). She also re-established the two major Buddhist sects, the Seon (禪宗, read Chan in Chinese, Zen in Japanese; training sect focused on meditation) and the Gyo (敎宗, read Jiao in Chinese; a sect focused on doctrinal study). In addition, Queen Munjeong significantly increased the number of naewondang (內願堂), or royal memorial shrines at which prayers could be offered for the repose of the souls of deceased members of the royal family and for their rebirth in the Western Paradise. According to the Myeongjong sillok (明宗實錄), approximately forty memorial shrines existed when Myeongjong ascended the throne in 1545, but by 1550, only five years later, seventy nine large temples had been newly designated as naewondang. The number of naewondang expanded to 400 in 1554, and by 1565, the twentieth year of King Myeongjong’s reign, nearly all temples in the kingdom had been registered as naewondang. Ministers of the royal court, who supported Confucianism as the state ideology, raised objections, however, and officials submitted numerous petitions to the king against the royal patronage of Buddhism and the expansion of the naewondang. Undeterred by these objections, Queen Munjeong continued her policy of reviving Buddhist worship. One way in which she demonstrated her commitment to the cause was by commissioning Buddhist paintings. In addition to the 200 arhat paintings produced for Hyangnimsa Temple, she commissioned more than 400 works, including the Bhaisajyaguru Mandala (1561) and Ksitigarbha and the Ten Kings of Hell (1562) as well as 100 paintings each of Shakyamuni Triad (1565), Amitabha Triad (1565), Bhaisajyaguru Triad (1565), and Maitreya Triad (1565) to commemorate the reconstruction of Hoeamsa Temple (檜巖寺). Queen Munjeong was especially enthusiastic about arhat worship. As Buddhist disciples who have achieved enlightenment, arhats are believed to possess the power of both flight and physical transformation as well as the ability to extend their lifespans and to move the earth and the sky. Buddhist worshipers traditionally have beseeched arhats to intercede in periods of drought and national crisis and to answer prayers for earthly prosperity and good fortune. During China’s Five Dynasties period, for example, Buddhists prayed before the painting The Sixteen Arhats by Guan Xiu (貫休, 832 – 912) for relief from drought; such arhat worship continued into the Song Dynasty (宋, 960 – 1279). The Northern Song text Memoirs of Eminent Monks (高僧傳, 988) by Zan Ning (贊寧, 919 – 1001) includes many stories of arhats summoning their powers in response to prayers for rain. In Korea, Buddhist rituals related to arhats were widely performed during the Goryeo Dynasty, when the nation suffered from both foreign invasions and internal turmoil. Ordinary Koreans also prayed to arhats for health and longevity. It is not surprising, therefore, that painted representations of arhats reflect an association with prosperity and long life. For example, the arhats’ long beards and eyebrows symbolize their ability to extend their lifes-pans and to remain on Earth for long periods. It was this ability of the arhats, in particular, that underlay arhat worship in Korea in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Although the Joseon Dynasty maintained from its inception an official policy of promoting Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism among the general public, Buddhist worship continued within the royal court much as it had during the Goryeo Dynasty. At that time, the main reason for supporting Buddhist rituals at court was to pray for the safe passage of a deceased king into Paradise. Arhat worship on the other hand was characterized by an interest in achieving earthly prosperity and was particularly concerned with prayers for good health and long life. For example, the Taejong sillok (太宗實錄) describes how prayers were offered in a temple hall dedicated to arhats (羅漢殿, hereafter “arhat hall”) for Prince Seongnyeong (誠寧大君, 1405 – 1418) when he became critically ill. The Sejong sillok (世宗實錄) records that King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418 – 1450) ordered the performance of a ritual for arhat worship when the abdicated King Taejong (太宗, r. 1400 – 1418) fell ill. A passage in the second volume of Sigujip (拭疣集, Literary Collection of Sigu)—the collected writings of Kim Suon (金守溫, 1410 – 1481)—reveals that King Sejong’s wife, Queen Soheon (昭憲王后, 1395 – 1446), erected a hall for arhat worship at Wontongam Shrine (圓通菴) of Cheonggyesa Temple (淸溪寺) and installed stone sculptures of sixteen arhats as part of her appeals for the King’s longevity. A record of 1466 from the same Sigujip collection states that the monarch’s illness similarly prompted the Queen mother to construct an arhat hall at Sangwonsa Temple (上院寺) on Mt. Odae during the reign of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455 – 1468). This tradition of arhat worship continued during Queen Munjeong’s regency in the sixteenth century. In 1554, the Queen ordered the construction of an arhat hall at Jasugung (慈壽宮), a complex near the royal palace where the royal concubines of a recently deceased king resided and prayed for royal ancestors, and in 1562 she commissioned a set of 200 arhat paintings, including one representing Deoksewi, for Hyangnimsa Temple. The Na-am japjeo (懶庵雜著, Writings of Na-am) by Monk Bou states that the Queen commissioned a set of 500 paintings of arhats and ordered that the stone sculptures of sixteen arhats at Bongnyeongsa Temple (福靈寺) be moved to Bongeunsa Temple (奉恩寺) for repair Queen Munjeong’s reverence for arhats appears to have been closely related to the precarious situation of the royal family at that time. During Myeongjong’s reign, the King, his mother (Queen Munjeong), and his only son, all suffered ill health. The King found himself in a perpetual state of worry about his mother and her family, many members of which continued to involve themselves in political affairs even after Queen Munjeong’s eight-year regency ended in 1553, as well as about government officials who fiercely resisted their influence. Whether or not it was because of such constant stress, King Myeongjong struggled with chronic illness. Furthermore, the King and his Queen and six Royal Concubines produced only a single heir, Crown Prince Sunhoe (順懷世子, 1551 – 1563), and this sickly child died in 1563, just a year after the production of the arhat paintings for Hyangnimsa Temple in 1562. It seems that Queen Munjeong also was not in good health during the time when she was actively promoting arhat worship, as she passed away only three years after the Hyangnimsa Temple commission. The Queen’s own motivation for producing the Deoksewi painting supports this interpretation. As previously mentioned, the inscription reads: “Great Queen Dowager Seongryol Inmyeong Daewang Daebi of the Yun clan produced 200 arhat paintings in honor of his majesty King Myeongjong and enshrined them at Hyangnimsa Temple on Mt. Samgak, for the King’s vitality, prosperous descendants, a flourishing nation, the welfare of the people, and her own longevity.” This inscription strongly suggests that the Queen hoped to overcome the perilous difficulties of the royal family through an appeal to the Buddha for mercy and through her profound commitment to arhat worship. The Deoksewi scroll and the other works from the same commission were housed at Hyangnimsa Temple on Mt. Samgak in the vicinity of the royal palace. During the Khitan (契丹) invasions, which occurred during the reign of the Goryeo King Hyeonjong (顯宗, r. 1009 – 1031), this temple also housed the coffin of the Goryeo founder, King Taejo (太祖, r. 918 – 943). Extant records from the Goryeo period include no detailed mention of this, but records concerning Hyangnimsa Temple and the Goryeo royal family do appear in such Joseon texts as the 49th volume of the Sukjong sillok (肅宗實錄) and the Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam (新增東國輿地勝覽, New Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea; 1530). These sources indicate that Hyangnimsa Temple maintained an especially intimate connection with the royal family from as early as the Goryeo period. Unfortunately, only the temple site remains today, so it is virtually impossible to establish the location and exact dimensions of the building where the arhat paintings were enshrined. Although it is not possible to know how the 200 paintings were displayed in the temple hall, there are clues that help us to understand how these works functioned. Arhat paintings are now appreciated as works of art; on a functional level, however, they belong to the category of religious paintings commissioned for the purpose of worship and the accrual of “merit” (功德), or meritorious karma. Like most other Buddhist works of art, arhat paintings were enshrined inside a temple hall and were used during worship. In the late Joseon period, for example, arhats were represented in the wall paintings of an arhat hall or of the main hall (大雄殿) of a temple, just as they were also depicted in hanging scrolls that were also displayed in those halls. However, the 200 arhat paintings produced for Hyangnimsa Temple, including the LACMA Deoksewi, likely were produced for rituals honoring arhats and donated as a means of accruing merit, or meritorious karma, rather than to serve as the focus of worship in a temple hall, as evinced by their relatively small size (viz. only 45.7cm in height and 28.9 cm in width). By contrast, scrolls intended to serve as the focus of worship generally were larger in order to create a more striking visual impact. The works Queen Munjeong commissioned for the purpose of ritual also support this assumption. In 1565, the Queen sponsored the production of 400 paintings of approximately the same size (100 paintings representing each of Shakyamuni, Bhaisajyaguru, Amitabha, and Maitreya) (Fig.3). An inscription in gold at the bottom of each painting details the reason for the commission and the intended function of the paintings. According to these texts, the 400 paintings were produced for the vitality of the king and the prosperity of royal descendants. The commission coincided in time with a ceremony celebrating the restoration of Hoeamsa Temple. After the completion of the ceremony, the paintings were to be dispersed throughout the country and enshrined in various temples. Fig. 3. Bhaisajyaguru Buddha Triad. Joseon, 1565. Gold on red silk, 58.7 × 30.8cm. Paintings of the Joseon Dynasty (韓國·朝鮮の繪畵) (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 2008, p. 105) Therefore, it seems unlikely that the 200 arhat paintings produced for Hyangnimsa Temple were installed in temple halls for the purpose of worship. Rather, it is much more likely that they were intended to honor various arhats for ritual purposes as part of an effort to accrue merit through the performance of good deeds and to ensure the long life of the King and the prosperity of his descendants. The Legacy of Goryeo Arhat Iconography Buddhist paintings are generally based on a particular sutra text. For example, paintings of the preaching Shakyamuni Buddha are based on a section from the Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華經, Saddharmapundarika Sutra). Paintings of Amitabha Buddha draw from the Three Pure Land Sutras (淨土三部經): The Infinite Life Sutra (大無量壽經, The Larger Sukhavativyuha Sutra), Contemplation Sutra (佛說觀無量壽佛經, Amitayurdhyana Sutra), and Amitabha Sutra (阿彌陀經, The Smaller Sukhavativyuha Sutra). Paintings of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara refer to the “Chapter on the Entry into the Realm of Reality” (入法界品) in the Flower Garland Sutra (華嚴經, Avatamsaka Sutra) or the “Chapter on the Universal Gate of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva” (觀世音菩薩普門品) in the Lotus Sutra. The precise subject of these paintings and their representation are based on the corresponding textual sources. The iconography of arhat paintings, by contrast, does not derive from a single textual source, despite a partial reflection of the character and descriptions taken from such texts as the Nandimitravadana (佛說大阿羅漢難提密多羅所說法住記, A Record of the Perpetuity of the Dharma Narrated by the Great Arhat Nandimitra). In general, the image of a Buddhist monk served as the prototype for the representation of arhats. Lacking a predetermined or set iconography for each arhat, painters were permitted a great deal of artistic license in the expression of each arhat’s particular appearance and individual spiritual powers. In some instances, painters used the same iconographic type to describe all the arhats. An image of the seventeenth arhat “Samghanandi” (僧迦難提尊者) (Fig. 4) from the Ming-Dynasty (明, 1368 – 1644) encyclopedia Sancai Tuhui (三才圖會, Illustrations of the Three Powers), for example, depicts a figure seated in contemplation near a body of water. This image served as the basis for the fifteenth arhat “Ajita” (阿氏多尊者) (Fig. 5) in the set of sixteen arhat paintings at Heungguksa Temple (興國寺), Yeosu, and also for the twelfth arhat “Nagasena” (那伽犀那尊者) (Fig. 6) in another set of sixteen arhat paintings at Songgwangsa Temple (松廣寺), Suncheon. In addition, the iconography of an arhat cloaked in a robe that covers the top of his head and extends downward to his feet, a symbol of his enlightened state, is usually understood as a reference to the monk Bodhidharma (達磨, fifth or sixth century). However, this iconographic type had already evolved in China’s Northern Wei (北魏, 386 – 535) period, before arhat paintings became popular, and it also appears in paintings that portray the sixteen arhats but do not include Bodhidharma. Fig. 4. Samghanandi, 17th of the 500 Arhats, from Sancai Tuhui. Woodcut. Ming Dynasty, 1609. Dongguk University (Author’s photograph) Fig. 5. Ajita, 15th of the Sixteen Arhats, from a set of the sixteen arhat paintings. Color on hemp cloth. Joseon, 1723. Heungguksa Temple, Yeosu (Author’s photograph) Fig. 6. Nagasena, 12th of the Sixteen Arhats, from a set of the sixteen arhat paintings. Color on hemp. Joseon, 1725. Songgwangsa Temple, Suncheon (Author’s photograph) The LACMA Deoksewi follows the typical presentation of an arhat in paintings: a male figure dressed in long monk’s robes, set before a nimbus, and seated on a rock beneath a pine tree, his body turned slightly to his right, and his hands holding a sutra from which he reads. It is probable that the artist arbitrarily selected this image from among a great variety of different iconographic forms and then, in the painting’s inscription, arbitrarily identified the arhat as the 153rd disciple. It was customary to produce sets of 500 paintings, each painting representing one of the 500 arhats. However, the inscription on the Deoksewi scroll indicates that only 200 paintings were produced and given to Hyangnimsa Temple. It is unclear whether the original commission was for just 200 paintings or was for 500 paintings, with 200 to be enshrined at Hyangnimsa Temple and the remaining 300 at a separate temple (or temples). This matter necessarily will remain unclear until more data come to light. The artist of the LACMA Deoksewi expertly focuses attention on the individual arhat, omitting additional figures that could detract from the main figure. One of the oldest employed in arhat paintings, this composition can be found in such early Chinese paintings as Guan Xiu’s The Sixteen Arhats. A set of Goryeo-period paintings representing the 500 arhats (hereafter “The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period”), which are produced in 1235 and 1236 according to the inscriptions on the paintings, also follows this compositional organization (Shin Kwanghee 2012). Measuring 55 cm in height and 40 cm in width, each of the 500 paintings depicts a single arhat who is identified by an inscription near the top of the painting. Each painting’s composition is extremely simple, with most figures cloaked in monk’s robes, perched atop a rock, and backed by a nimbus, the figures sometimes holding a few objects, likely ritual offerings. These paintings are closely related to the LACMA Deoksewi in terms of size and composition. Other extant arhat paintings from the Goryeo period include those featuring a group of arhats in a single composition, as exemplified by The 500 Arhats in Chion-in (知恩院), Kyoto, and the Shakyamuni Triad with the Sixteen Arhats in the Nezu Museum (根津美術館), Tokyo (Sigongsa 1996; National Museum of Korea 2010). However, the LACMA Deoksewi is closer in style and composition to The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period. Among these 500 works, elements in Bosu, 282nd of the 500 Arhats (Fig. 7) closely resemble related elements in the LACMA Deoksewi. In each work, the figure is seated, appears under a branch, turns slightly to his right, and holds a sutra. Fig. 7. Bosu, 282nd of the 500 Arhats. Goryeo, 1236. Ink and color on silk, 54.6 × 31.7cm. Kyushu National Museum (Author’s photograph) Other early Joseon-period arhat paintings too draw on Goryeo iconographic and compositional types. Sketch of an Arhat (Fig. 8) by Yi Sangjwa (李上佐) in the collection of the Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art, Seoul, falls into this category. In this simple sketch, the arhat is presented in the guise of a monk wearing a full-length robe and holding an alms bowl in one hand and a ruyi (如意) scepter in the other; a small, hand-held censer also appears in the sketch. The figure appears to be attempting to lure a dragon into the alms bowl. Similar to the LACMA Deoksewi and The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period, this sketch—perhaps an unfinished work, perhaps a preliminary draft for a painting—depicts a single arhat without accompanying figures. The motif of luring a dragon into an alms bowl, in particular, closely resembles the subject of Segongyang, 464th of the 500 Arhats (Fig. 9) from The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period. Fig. 8. Yi Sangjwa, Sketch of an Arhat. Joseon, mid-16th century. Ink on paper. 41.0 × 23.7cm. Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art. National Treasures from the Early Joseon Period (조선전기국보전) (Seoul: Hoam Museum of Art, 1996, Fig. 199) Fig. 9. Segongyang, 464th of the 500 Arhats. Goryeo, 1235–6. Ink and color on silk, 52.8 × 40.8cm. Cleveland Museum of Art, USA. Buddhist Paintings of the Goryeo Dynasty (고려시대의 불화) (Seoul: Sigongsa, 1997, Fig. 128) That the LACMA Deoksewi follows the Goryeo tradition of the 500 arhats paintings is further supported by the nomenclature used in the inscription of the LACMA Deoksewi. Today, two systems exist in East Asia for identifying the 500 arhats. The system used in China and Japan is based on the Southern Song-Dynasty stele Luohan zunhaobei (羅漢尊號碑, stele of the names of arhats), which once was housed in Qianmingyuan (乾明院), Zhejiang Province. A second system has been used exclusively in Korea since Goryeo times. The Luohan zunhaobei identifies all the disciples of the historical Buddha Shakyamuni listed in the sutras as well as the line of Chinese successors. It even includes eminent Korean monks from the Silla period (新羅, 57 BCE – 935). The actual names of the Buddha’s disciples mentioned in the sutras, such as “Ajnatakaundinya” (阿若憍陳如) and “Aniruddha” (阿尼樓), are listed first in the genealogy. As the list continues, however, the Luohan zunhaobei shows more conceptual names that are explicitly derived from Buddhist principles, such as “Vajra Radiance” (金剛明), “Freedom from Attachment” (無愛行), and “Remains in the World” (住世間). Such conceptual names derived from Buddhist principles predominate in the Korean nomenclature of arhats, as the list begins with the first arhat “Dharma Sea” (法海), the second “Lightening Flash” (電光), and continues featuring such doctrinal names up until the 500th arhat “Immeasurable Meanings” (無量義). The actual names of Buddha’s disciples are rarely mentioned in the Korean list; as a consequence, the Chinese/Japanese and Korean designations share only three or four names in common for the 500 arhats. Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese use the same system of names for the group of sixteen arhats, a system derived from the Nandimitravadana; however, no sutra identifies all the arhats in the group of 500. Obviously, different name designations have been adopted in China and Korea as the genealogical systems evolved (Shin Kwanghee 2010, 28-43). The inscription on each of the paintings in The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo Dynasty evinces the development of a separate arhat genealogy in Korea. Even so, it is difficult to interpret the complete picture because only fourteen paintings are known to remain from the original set. Though later in date, Obaekseongjung cheongmun (五百聖衆請文, Invocation of the Five Hundred Arhats; 1805) (Fig. 10) from the Geojoam Monastery (居祖庵) provides the Korean designations of the 500 arhats as well as insight into the date those names were established. The book follows the form of an invocation (奉請) and records the names of all 500 arhats. In the preface, the author states that both the ritual associated with the 500 arhats and the systematization of arhat genealogy were based on a text on related rituals written by Monk Muhak (無學, 1327 – 1405) at Seogwangsa Temple (釋王寺) late in in the Goryeo Dynasty. Accordingly, the Korean system of arhat genealogy dates back at least to the late Goryeo period. The names recorded on the fourteen extant arhat paintings from the Goryeo period further corroborate the genealogy outlined in the Obaekseongjung cheongmun, which indicates that this nomenclature extends back as far as to 1235 – 36 when the fourteen works were produced. For example, the 282nd arhat is recorded as “Bosu” (寶手) meaning “Precious Hand” in both the corresponding painting from The 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period and the Obaekseongjung cheongmun. The 153rd arhat likewise is recorded as “Deoksewi” in both the LACMA painting and the Obaekseongjung cheongmun (Figs. 11 and 12). Fig. 10. Obaekseongjung cheongmun. Joseon, 1805. 44.0 × 32.5cm. Eunhaesa Museum (Author’s photograph) Fig. 11. Deoksewi, name (Author’s photograph) Fig. 12. Obaekseongjung cheongmun, detail (Author’s photograph) These observations show that the LACMA Deoksewi inherited its composition, iconography, nomenclature, and other elements from the set of 500 arhats from the Goryeo period. It also demonstrates how arhat iconography from the Goryeo Dynasty formed the basic communicative mode for the 200 arhat paintings commissioned by Queen Munjeong for Hyangnimsa Temple. Development and Spread of Court Style of Buddhist Paintings The LACMA Deoksewi presents an exceptionally realistic description of an arhat as a venerable old monk. The white hair, eyebrows, beard, and ear-hair are painted in meticulous detail (Fig. 13). Cloud patterns, small chrysanthemum florets, and vajra thunderbolts (金剛杵), all painted in gold, embellish his robe (Fig. 14). Painted in black ink, a rock and a pine tree provide a setting for the figure. The rock, whose unembellished top suggests a flat surface on which the arhat can sit, boasts bold outlines that reveal both the artist’s dexterity with brush and ink and the influence of China’s “Zhe school” (浙派) on his painting style (Fig. 15). Extant landscape paintings with figures from the first half of the Joseon period rarely include a precise date; by contrast, this arhat painting can be definitively dated to 1562. Therefore, the LACMA Deoksewi holds special significance for research both on Buddhist painting and on the development of the Zhe-school style in secular works of art from that time. Fig. 13. Deoksewi, face (Author’s photograph) Fig. 14. Deoksewi, patterning of the robe (Author’s photograph) Fig. 15. Deoksewi, infrared photograph of the landscape (Author’s photograph) Because the painting lacks a signature, it is virtually impossible to identify the artist who painted the LACMA Deoksewi. (In fact, most court-sponsored Buddhist works of art from the early Joseon period also lack artists’ signatures). Given that the painting’s patron, Queen Munjeong, was the most powerful figure of that era, and given that the painting boasts a stable composition, elegant brushwork, and skillful application of color, a court painter of exceptional skill likely created this work. Because this painting is similar in style to other Buddhist paintings commissioned by the royal family during the reign of King Myeongjong, it is possible that the same artist, or group of artists, was involved in the production of all of these works. The depiction of the arhat’s face and the patterning on his robe, for example, closely resemble the description of the face and clothing of the Buddha’s disciples in Gathering of the Four Buddhas (1562) (Fig. 16), a painting produced in exactly the same year for Yi Jongrin (李宗麟, 1536 – 1611), a member of the Yi royal family, who used the sobriquet “Pungsanjeong” (豊山正). The rock, moss, and pine tree in the LACMA Deoksewi also bear striking similarity to the rocks and tree branches in Thirty-two Responsive Manifestation of Avalokitesvara (Fig. 17), a painting produced in 1550 for Queen Gongui (恭懿王大妃, 1514 – 1577), the consort of King Injong (仁宗, r. 1544 – 1545). Fig. 16. Gathering of the Four Buddhas, detail. Joseon, 1562. Color on silk, 90.5 x 74.0cm. National Museum of Korea. Buddhist Painting of Korea vol. 39 (한국의 불화 39) (Seoul: Research Institute of Sungbo Cultural Heritage, 2007, p. 64) Fig. 17. Thirty-two Responsive Manifestation of Avalokitesvara, detail. Joseon, 1550. Color on silk, 201.6 × 151.8cm. Chion-in, Japan. Paintings of the Joseon Dynasty and Japan (朝鮮王朝の繪畵と日本) (Osaka: Yomiuri Shimbun, 2008, Fig. 101) The appearance of Buddhist paintings from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries varies according to the status of the patron, the basic polarities basically being royal patronage and popular patronage. Royal patronage refers to works produced for the Queen or the royal concubines, princes, other members of the royal family and their associates; popular patronage refers to works of art sponsored by regular officials or even people belonging to the secondary class of jungin (中人), or middle-level people. Paintings done under royal patronage follow the court style and set the standard for Buddhist painting of the era. Executed by the best painters of the day, court-style Buddhist paintings reflect exceptional artistic accomplishment in their elaborate compositions, refined depictions of landscapes, and clear focus on the subject. In particular, they typically sport a large amount of gold pigment. Two prominent examples are Sixteen Visions of the Contemplation Sutra, commissioned in 1465 by Prince Hyoryeong (孝寧大君, 1396 – 1486), the second son of King Taejong and the brother of King Sejong, and Ksitigarbha and the Ten Kings of the 18 Hells, produced between 1575 and 1577 for King Myeongjong’s royal concubine Sukbin of the Yun family (淑嬪 尹氏). Both paintings include a variety of motifs; the Sixteen Visions painting clearly delineates the “sixteen meditations” (十六觀) outlined in the Contemplation Sutra, while the Ksitigarbha painting features scenes of the underworld (冥府) with related religious icons, based on such Buddhist texts as the Ksitigarbha Sutra (地裝菩薩本願經). In the Thirty-two Responsive Manifestation of Avalokitesvara, which was produced for King Injong’s consort, the artist showcased his very accomplished talent by filling the entire composition with landscape elements. These court-style paintings are valued both for their outstanding artistic merit and for their extensive use of gold pigment, especially in the patterns on the figures’ clothing. The LACMA Deoksewi reflects many of these characteristics of court-style Buddhist painting from the early Joseon period. The artist highlights the arhat motif, embellishing his robe with beautiful patterns in gold, and embraces an energetic expression of the landscape with well-balanced composition and detailed brushwork, resulting in a very highly finished appearance. The artist must have possessed considerable understanding of the tradition of representing arhats. Compared to paintings of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, paintings of arhats typically feature extensive use of ink and a highly detailed, naturalistic description of facial features. The LACMA Deoksewi follows that tradition, particularly in the application of ink; compared to the Goryeo example (Fig. 9), however, the figure is more slender and elongated. In addition, the gold patterns appear over the entire robe, but in the Goryeo example the patterns appear mainly on the edges of the robes. In that context, the LACMA Deoksewi follows the basic style of arhat painting established in the Goryeo period but also incorporates intricate details, a characteristic of the Joseon courtpainting style. Although it shares stylistic elements with contemporary court-sponsored Buddhist paintings, it nevertheless retains characteristics that are particular to the specific genre of arhat painting. The court-style of depicting arhats, as revealed by the LACMA Deoksewi, inspired arhat paintings done by temple monks under popular patronage. No early Joseon paintings of individual arhats done under popular patronage remain today, so none can be directly compared to the LACMA Deoksewi. Even so, many Buddhist paintings done under popular patronage and featuring the sixteen arhats or the ten disciples survive; in those paintings the figures are portrayed in a manner similar to the arhats in court-style Buddhist paintings, including the LACMA Deoksewi. For example, the face of the old monk known as Mahakasyapa (摩訶迦葉尊者) in the late sixteenth-century painting Preaching Shakyamuni Buddha—in the collection of Kōshō-ji Temple (興正寺), Kyoto, Japan—closely resembles the description of the arhat in the LACMA painting. The facial wrinkles, the eyebrows, and the manner in which the artist depicted the figure’s beard are similar in both works. Arhats and monks represented in other contemporary paintings, such as Preaching Shakyamuni Buddha (1569) in the old collection of Hōkō-ji Temple (寶光寺), Kameoka, Kyoto Prefecture, Japan, and Nectar Ritual (1580) in a private Korean collection, also share similarities with the arhat in the LACMA scroll in terms of the shape of the faces, long eyebrows, and other physical features. The LACMA Deoksewi, the only remaining arhat painting from Queen Munjeong’s commission, illustrates the court-style of Buddhist painting from the sixteenth-century, just as it also demonstrates how the court style stood as a stylistic model for Buddhist paintings done under popular patronage. Conclusion The LACMA Deoksewi is one of the 200 paintings of arhats produced for Hyangnimsa Temple in 1562, a set commissioned by Queen Munjeong in supplication for the health and longevity of her son, King Myeongjong, and to ensure a line of prosperous descendants. Queen Munjeong played a key role in reviving Buddhism in the sixteenth century and enthusiastically engaged in arhat worship as part of her sponsorship of services at Buddhist temples. Arhats are spiritual beings that possess divine power to extend lifespans and reward worshippers with both good fortune and long life in the terrestrial world. Queen Munjeong appealed to these beings for the welfare of her son, King Myeongjong, and her grandson, both of whom suffered from illness, and for her own wellbeing as she approached old age. The LACMA painting focuses on the figure of Deoksewi, the 153rd of the 500 arhats, and presents him seated on a rock and reading a Buddhist sutra, without any attendant figures. Only the inscription in the upper right corner of the painting indicates his identity. Both the composition and the iconography indicate that the set of arhat paintings commissioned by Queen Munjeong closely followed the Goryeo tradition, as evinced by the set of 500 Arhats from the Goryeo period. It is also important that the name of the arhat, as recorded in the inscription, corresponds to an independent arhat genealogy developed in Korea. Representative of the sixteenth-century court-painting style, the painting is notable for its artistic sophistication. The artist’s skill is evident in the stable composition, delicate lines, and exceptionally forceful brushstrokes; the subtle description of the arhat’s expression imparts spiritual force. The LACMA Deoksewi painting provides a window onto both the spiritual beliefs of Queen Munjeong, the Joseon royal court’s most representative Buddhist practitioner and sponsor of Buddhism, and the style, iconography, and function of arhat paintings of that era. It also reveals the unique characteristics that distinguish Joseon arhat paintings from contemporaneous Chinese and Japanese paintings of arhats.

The extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings associated with the Flower Garland Sutra (華嚴經) are also uncommon. The only known work is the Vairocana Triad in the Museum of East Asian Art, Köln, Germany. The iconography of the Illustration of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston is taken from the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (C: Fangguang yuanjue xiuduo luoliao yijing, 方廣圓覺修多羅了義經, abbreviated as Yuanjue jing, 圓覺經), a scripture which has a close connection to the Flower Garland Sutra. On the other hand, Fifteen Thousand Buddhas in Fudō-in (不動院) is suffused with tiny images of numerous Buddhas and bodhisattvas. Some opinions have suggested that it is the pictorial depiction of the narrative expounded on the Flower Garland Sutra: “The moment Vairocana reached enlightenment, a ray of light emanated from his body to illuminate every corner of the world of ten directions and a cloud of transformation bodies of the Buddha emerged from every pore”; “The transformation bodies emerge from the very pores of the body like a cloud and fully infuse the world of ten directions.” Conceivably this painting is one form of the representation of Vairocana in the “experiential realm among human beings.” Maitreya, who is known as the future Buddha, resides in the Tushita Heaven as a bodhisattva, and when the latter phase of dharma (teaching) arrives after the historical Buddha, Shakyamuni, entered nirvana, Maitreya is believed to descend to earth and deliver teachings three times under the dragon-flower tree to rescue all sentient beings and bring them to salvation. The Maitreya paintings of Goryeo are based on the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya (C: Foshuo Mile xiasheng chengfo jing, 佛說彌勒下生成佛經), exemplified in four extant works: the Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya preserved in Myōman-ji (妙滿寺), and two others of the same title in Chion-in and Shinnō-in (親王院), and the Maitreya Triad in Hōkyō-ji (寶鏡寺). Although the number of known works is not substantial, the painting in Myōman-ji dating to 1294, in paticular, which was recently made public, carries considerable importance for it not only exhibits a variation in the visual representation of the scripture but also allows one to speculate about the trend of Goryeo Buddhist paintings in the thirteenth century, a period for which no other paintings are known. Besides, Tejaprabha, the Buddha who personifies the North Star, is represented in paintings as the principal deity presiding over an attendant group of Daoist origin, and these works have the characteristics of controlling natural disasters and warding off misfortunes. Of the Goryeo Buddhist paintings of this subject, only one in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, shares related iconographical features, with the inclusion of the attending bodhisattvas, Santailiuxing (三臺六星, the Three Terraces and Six Constellations) and Ershibaxiu (二十八宿, the Twenty-eight Constellations). This painting is important for two factors: first, it serves as the iconographical source for Descent of Tejaprabha (1569), the only known painting of the early Joseon, currently in the collection of the Koryo Art Museum, Kyoto; second, while Suryaprabha and Candraprabha accompany Tejaprabha in the paintings of the late Joseon, this painting reveals that the bodhisattvas Xiaozai and Xizai were the usual attending figures of Tejaprabha during the Goryeo period. Most celebrated among Goryeo Buddhist paintings, Avalokiteshvara representations (Figures 6, 7) comprise a large part of surviving works, second only to the paintings of Amitabha. There are about forty known paintings. Avalokiteshvara, the bodhisattva who signifies compassion, is believed to appear in various appearances to deliver sentient beings from calamities and assist them to retain a rebirth in paradise. In other words, the belief in Avalokiteshvara embodies double-sidedness; one is to gain benefits in the present world, and the other to gain salvation in next life. Therefore, Avalokiteshvara’s benevolent nature and merits, as well as the benefits that the devotees would receive, are explicated in many scriptures including the Visualization Sutra and the Lotus Sutra (法華經). Among them, the most representative text is the chapter of the “Universal Gate of Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva (C: Guanshiyin pusa pumenpin, 觀世音菩薩普門品)” in the Lotus Sutra, which is popularly referred to as the “Sutra of Avalokiteshvara.” In Goryeo Buddhist paintings, Avalokiteshvara is seated on a rocky outcrop in a half-lotus position (having one leg crossed and the other pendant), holding a rosary; in the background are bamboo stalks and in the foreground is a willow branch placed in a kundika bottle. At the bottom corner, in the direction towards which Avalokiteshvara gazes down, there appears the boy pilgrim Sudhana. This iconography is based on the “Chapter on Entry into the Realm of Reality (入法界品)” of the Flower Garland Sutra. The paintings effectively illustrate the narrative detailed in the text: the setting is Mount Potalaka near the sea, the abode of Avalokiteshvara, and Avalokiteshvara welcomes the boy pilgrim Sudhana, who has taken a journey to visit Buddhist masters in his quest for enlightenment. Representations of Avalokiteshvara in the half-lotus position, and with the boy pilgrim Sudhana and a kundika bottle are called ‘Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara.’ It has acquired its appellation as a ninth-century mural painting with similar iconography in Dunhuang, has an inscription, "shuiyue guanyin (水月觀音)," that is, Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara. Moreover, Goryeo textual sources testify to the establishment of this title: the Daegak guksa munjip (大覺國師文集, Anthology of the National Preceptor Daegak) contains the phrases "sinhwaseong suwolgwaneum (新畫成水月觀音)," and "suwolsusang (水月晬相)" in Naksan gwaneum bokjang subomun (落山觀音腹藏修補文) written by Yi Gyubo (李奎報). The most representative works of Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara are preserved in Sen-oku Hakuko Kan (泉屋博古館, 1323) and in Daitoku-ji (大德寺). There are also some variations in the posture of Avalokiteshvara and the pictorial arrangement. They include the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (1310) in Kagami Jinja (鏡神社) which positions Avalokiteshvara facing the opposite direction from the conventional practice; the frontally-positioned Avalokiteshvara in the Museum Yamato Bunkakan; and the standing depiction of Avalokiteshvara in Sensō-ji (淺草寺). Together with Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, Kshitigarbha, the bodhisattva who governs the netherworld, is a popular subject among the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings (Figure 8). Kshitigarbha is presented singly or in the form of a triad, or presiding over the Ten Kings of Hell. The representations of Kshitigarbha in Goryeo are classified into two types: a monk-like image either with a shaven head or wearing a monk’s scarf on his head. The scriptural sources for the iconography of the former are the Sutra of Ten Wheels of Kshitigarbha (C: Dicang shilun jing, 地藏十輪經) and the Ritual Honoring Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha (C: Dicang pusa yigui, 地藏菩薩儀軌),2 but no scriptural association is found for the latter. Nevertheless, the image of Kshitigarbha wearing the monk’s scarf appear in a number of the paintings from Dunhuang and the records of miraculous stories, including the Return of the Soul at the Peony Pavilion (C: Huanhun ji, 還魂記) and the Record on the Miracles of Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha (C: Dicang pusa lingyan ji, 地藏菩薩靈驗記). Based on these evidences, it can be construed that this iconographical feature was established in china at least by the ninth century. When Kshitigarbha is represented in a triad, the attending figures on either side of Kshitigarbha are Monk Daoming and King Modu, whose iconography is taken from the Record on the Miracles of Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha and the Sutra on the Past Vows of Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva (C: Dicang pusa benyuan jing, 地藏菩薩本願經), respectively. Moreover, the representation of Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell, which comprise a relatively large number of extant paintings, was established with the incorporation of the Ten Kings of Hell, whose scriptural basis is in the Sutra of the Ten Kings (十王經). Even the occupying positions of the Ten Kings are stipulated in the Record on the Miracles of Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha. The well-known paintings of Kshitigarbha are as follows: Kshitigarbha (the shaven head image) in Zendō-ji (善導寺), Kshitigarbha (with a monk's scarf) in the Nezu Museum (根津美術館, Figure 8), Kshitigarbha (a seated image) in Yōju-ji (養壽寺), Kshitigarbha Triad in a private collection, Korea, and Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell (1320) in Chion-in and the same representation in Seikadō Bunkō Art Museum (靜嘉堂文庫美術館). Besides, there are representations of Avalokiteshvara and Kshitigarbha, the bodhisattvas respectively associated with the Pure Land and the Buddhist afterlife judgment, arranged in one composition. Avalokiteshvara and Kshitigarbha in Saifuku-ji portrays the two figures in a single picture frame, while Minamihokke-ji (南法華寺) has a set of two paintings, presenting each deity separately. Moreover, Amitabha and Kshitigarbha in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, whose iconography is unique to Goryeo, seems to further emphasize the Pure Land belief. There are diverse opinions on the source of its iconography; however, these studies do not seem to provide clear scriptural interpretations and the process of their establishment. Thus, further research is required in future. Among others, there are paintings of Arhats: e.g. Shakyamuni and Sixteen Arhats (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art and the Nezu Museum) and the Five Hundred Arhats (Chion-in). A set of Five Hundred Arhats (1235-1236) paintings, separately preserved in ten different locations including the National Museum of Korea, is also imbued with the Goryeo people’s wishes to overcome the country’s crisis.3 Additionally, the paintings of Indra, who is known to protect the Buddhist teaching while residing in the city of Sakra in Mt. Sumeru [Shōtaku-in (聖澤院) and the Seikadō Bunkō Art Museum] and one painting of Marici, which reflects a scene of Buddhist devotion to Marici (private collection, Japan). The textual records attest to the production of various Buddhist paintings in association with the teachings of Shakyamuni Buddha, such as ‘Shakyamuni Triad’ relating to the Lotus Sutra and those associated with the Flower Garland Sutra, e.g. ‘Vairocana triad,’ ‘Samantabhadra,’ and the ‘Samantabhadra on a six-tusked white elephant.’4 Goryeo Buddhist paintings display somewhat uncomplicated iconographical schema. Among about 150 surviving paintings, fifty-five are associated with Amitabha, forty-two with Avalokiteshvara, and twenty-four with Kshitigarbha, all of them adding up to almost 120 paintings. Thus, it can be said these three representations constitute most of the Buddhist paintings in Goryeo, and this can be one of the characteristics of Goryeo Buddhist painting. Such iconographical particularity of Goryeo Buddhist paintings needs to be considered when one attempts to inquire into the issues relating to the purpose of the production and the philosophical background of Goryeo Buddhist paintings. One also has to take into consideration the fact that there are no paintings with the scene of the Buddha preaching the law relating to the Lotus Sutra and the Flower Garland Sutra, scriptures which are most representative of the teachings of Shakyamuni, and that most Goryeo Buddhist paintings are relatively small in size. In terms of composition, the Goryeo Buddhist paintings show strong tendency to emphasize only the main subject, e.g. the principal deity. For instance, Goryeo's the ‘Descent of Amitabha’ paintings, contrary to those of China and Japan, do not depict clouds, and the ‘Amitabha Preaching the Law’ paintings represent the Buddha singly or in the form of a triad. As such, the iconographical characteristic of Goryeo is the interrelatedness of the compositional elements, whereas the Buddhist paintings of China exhibit expository representations. Moreover, among the extant Japanese Buddhist paintings, a large body of works shows strong esoteric Buddhist elements; thus there are a considerable number of unique iconographies that are seen neither in Goryeo nor in China. In Japanese Buddhist paintings, there also are some iconographies that were appropriated from Japan’s own belief system, not directly relating to the Buddhist scriptures. The difference in iconography and representation among Korea, China and Japan may depend on the time of production and the sensitivity unique to each country; however, the decisive difference lies in the connection with the patron’s social status, the purpose of the production, and the function of the painting. Therefore, one is required to seriously think about whether or not the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings actually do represent the major trend of the time as much as to manifest contemporary Goryeo Buddhist doctrines and the characteristics of the Buddhist schools. III COLORING TECHNIQUES OF GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING As opposed to iconography, the coloring techniques offer important evidence to determine the characteristics or the identity of the Goryeo Buddhist paintings. It is because while the iconographies in Buddhist art can be shared extensively in different time and space, as well as among countries and regions, the coloring techniques are clearly differentiated. The early-fourteenth-century Amitabha Triad in the Nezu Museum (Figure 1), which has kept its vivid colors for nearly 700 years, is a fine example that demonstrates the coloring techniques of Goryeo. By examining this painting, I would like to further expand my discussion. First of all, the monk’s robe on the right forearm of the Buddha is painted in red, and other colors such as green, blue and a small amount of reddish brown are used; and visually-distinct decorative patterns are all drawn with gold pigment. The space around the flame-shaped precious jewel, which Mahasthamaprapta is holding, is rather insubstantial and yet it seems to be lavishly painted by using various colors; however, as in the Buddha’s garment, the colors applied are generally red, green and blue. This coloring method is seen in almost all Goryeo Buddhist paintings: e.g. Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya (1294) in Myōman-ji and the Illustration of the Introduction of the Visualization Sutra (the early 14th century) in Saifuku-ji. As evident in the paintings mentioned above, the basic colors used in Goryeo Buddhist paintings are red, green and blue. More importantly, however, it should be noted that, except for extremely minor instances, the primary colors were applied without mixing with other pigments; for example, one tone of color is applied on the entire surface of each garment (the outer and inner garments, and the skirt), without attempting to create color variations. The reason for the persistence in using primary colors was probably to maintain the vividness of the colors since the intensity and brightness decrease when the pigments are mixed. Neutral colors or the effect of volume are expressed by double-coating with white as the base color without mixing the pigments, as exemplified by Amitabha Triad in Hōdō-ji (法道寺) and Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas in Kōfukugokokuzen-ji (廣福護國禪寺); the Kagami Jinja Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara also acquired the equivalent effect by overlapping numerous lines. The Kagami Jinja Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (1310) as well as its replica (1989) clearly exhibit how the colors, particularly white, alter when mixed. For instance, the color of the lotus flower in the original painting displays greater intensity and brightness in comparison to its replica. Such disparity has resulted because the artist of the replica, not being aware of the original painting’s coloring technique, has mixed red and white to paint the lotus flower. What could have been the fundamental reason for the preference to use only a limited variation of primary colors? I propose that the reason was to amplify the effect of gold, since most of the contours of the images in Goryeo Buddhist paintings, not to mention the decorative patterns, are delineated with gold. Having close attention to the painting itself, one can potentially discern how the gold pigment is effectively utilized. The inner and outer garments of the Buddha in the Shōbō-ji (正法寺) Amitabha and the Matsuo-dera (松尾寺) Amitabha Triad are fine examples. On the entire surface of the garments, green and red are applied and then the gold is used for the decorative patterns and the folds. The method is relatively simple but sufficient to express the intended presentation; thus both paintings do not demand additional colorings or outlines. Of course, the red and green used here are primary colors. Furthermore, the Yurinkan (藤井齊成會有鄰館) Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (Figure 3) is a most representative example that displays a sense of elegance by an effective use of gold pigment. In the case of the Kezō-in (華藏院) Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell and the Kagami Jinja Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, gold is used not only to delineate the decorative patterns and the outlines but also to execute various images such as a dragon and a phoenix with outstanding dexterity. Based on above-mentioned paintings, it can be construed that the Goryeo artists were well experienced with the use of gold, and for them gold served as the tool ultimately to give vitality into the picture. ( Figure 3 ) Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (detail), 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 105.5 x 54.3 cm, Yurinkan, Kyoto Another reason for the use of primary colors is because Goryeo Buddhist paintings have a strong tendency to suffuse the entire pictorial space with decorative motifs. For instance, the kundika bottle in Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (1323) in Sen-oku Hakuko Kan appears to have no decorations when inspecting the painting itself or even the relatively fine photographs, but in fact the image is filled with exquisitely-designed gold patterns. Such highly decorative orientation is visible in the paintings of early Goryeo, the tradition that possibly has continued from the thirteenth century, as evident in Fifteen Thousand Buddhas in Fudō-in. Inside the character man (萬, ten thousand) are numerous images of Buddha’s face drawn with gold; and similar images appear on the surface of the nimbus and its outer edge. The garment is also decorated with the images of Buddha’s face and also of bodhisattvas. The Buddha in the illustration of the sutra at the bottom of the painting is about 1cm in height. Various types of decorative motifs are employed in Goryeo Buddhist paintings: e.g. chrysanthemum, phoenix and arabesque. Among them, the arabesque-medallion motif is most notable. It is the decorative pattern quintessential to Goryeo’s fourteenth-century Buddhist paintings, which is commonly represented in the shape of a ‘lotus-arabesque-medallion’ by combining with the lotus motif (Figure 4). Importantly, it offers valuable clues to date Goryeo Buddhist paintings, as the time of the painting’s production can be conjectured based on the development of this particular motif. Moreover, the arabesque-medallion motif is not found in China or Japan, in any time period nor in any subject of extant Buddhist paintings, which makes it Goryeo’s unparalleled innovation. Hence, presently it is an important detail on which to determine the painting’s country of origin since if a painting has this motif, it would certainly belong to the fourteenth-century Goryeo. ( Figure 4 ) Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas (detail), dated 1320. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 177.3 x 91.2 cm, Matsuo-dera, Nara To summarise, the characteristics of the representational techniques of Goryeo Buddhist paintings are the application of primary colors and various decorative motifs, the lavish use of gold, the use of double-coating method, the intricate details, and the tendency not to leave any unadorned space. These features function interdependently to produce a sense of compactness, and this allows the viewers to appreciate the painting’s ‘harmonious beauty.’ Furthermore, Goryeo Buddhist paintings display an outstanding craftsmanship in their richly designed patterns that permeate the entire picture surface, without attempting the color variations. As explained above, the precise understanding of the representational techniques yields significant evidence for identifying the characteristics of Goryeo Buddhist paintings, and by extension, their identity. For this reason, it holds the pivotal role in differentiating Goryeo Buddhist paintings from those of China and Japan, as well as the subsequent Joseon. For instance, when comparing Amitabha Buddha (in Shōbō-ji) of Goryeo to a painting (in a private collection, Korea) from Song China (Figure 5), although there is some time difference between the two paintings and it may also be an impressionistic judgment, the style of Goryeo certainly contrasts with that of Song, which displays discernable color variations and clear ink outlines. Moreover, the style of the Goryeo Amitabha Buddha in Gyokurin-in (玉林院) is also distinguished from the Buddhist paintings from the Heian period in the collection of the Nara National Museum, which prioritize the realistic depiction of the images by using various colors and shading techniques, even though there also are some disparities in the time of production and the iconography. Furthermore, while the Japanese use cut pieces of gold leaf for outlines and decorative patterns, this technique was not used in Goryeo Buddhist paintings. This is another conspicuous difference. ( Figure 5 ) Amitabha Buddha, Southern Song. Private collection, Korea IV ICONOGRAPHICAL SIMILARITIES AND THE PURPOSE OF PRODUCTION The similarities in the iconography and the application of colors are another characteristics of Goryeo Buddhist paintings. For instance, the iconographical features in the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara representations, though some variants exist, exhibit striking resemblance: i.e. Avalokiteshvara, slightly turning to the right, seated on a rocky outcrop in the half-lotus posture, the kundika bottle holding a willow branch, the boy pilgrim Sudhana, and two bamboo stalks (Figures 6, 7). This shows that the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara paintings of the later period were produced with reference to earlier examples.5 The following paintings also attest to such practice of the succession: the Illustration of the Sutra on the Decent of Maitreya (Chion-in and Shinnō-in), Kshitigarbha (Nezu Museum, Figure 8; Tokugawa Art Museum, Figure 9) and the Descent of Amitabha (MOAOA Museum of Art and Matsuo-dera).6 These works resemble each other even to the minutest details, so that it is not easy to distinguish one from the other. While adhering to the convention, Goryeo Buddhist paintings also attempted to create new innovations by modifying the existing practice. Most representative examples are the Descent of Amitabha in the Tokyo National Museum and the painting of the same title in Hagiwara-ji (萩原寺). The images of the Buddha in both works have similar posture and iconographical implications. However, the painting in Hagiwaraji deviates from its prototype in the depiction of the outer garment and some of the motifs.7 As explained, despite the chronological differences, Goryeo Buddhist paintings in general have strong tendency to persistently strive for homogeneity, not only in the techniques but also the iconography. Additionally, the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings, except for a few, are about 1m in height, thus it is not plausible to speculate that they were originally enshrined in temples. This is because a number of written records and the surviving examples, including Buseoksa Temple (浮石寺), Bongjeongsa Temple (鳳停寺), Muwisa Temple (無爲寺) of Goryeo and early Joseon testify that, during Goryeo, the majority of the paintings enshrined in temples for devotion were murals.8 ( Figure 6 ) Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 109.5 x 57.8 cm, Tanzan Jinja, Nara ( Figure 7 ) Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 110.0 x 59.2 cm, Seikadō Bunkō Art Museum, Tokyo ( Figure 8 ) Kshitigarbha, 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 107.6 x 45.3 cm, Nezu Museum, Tokyo ( Figure 9 ) Kshitigarbha, 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 105.1 x 43.9 cm, Tokugawa Art Museum, Nagoya The reasons for such a tendency can be found in Buddhist doctrines or in association with the widespread conservatism of Korean art; however, as mentioned previously, I propose that, above all, it is intimately related with the following factors: the purpose of the production, the place of enshrinement, and the function, all of which reflect contemporary Buddhist beliefs. In line with this, attention should be given to the trend of Buddhism in Goryeo and its belief system. From the foundation of the kingdom, Goryeo adopted Buddhism as the state religion and this prompted the establishment of Buddhist schools based on diverse doctrines. The nature and the system of these schools are so complex and mutually interconnected that they prevents thorough comprehension or investigation of their actual condition. But in any case, from the twelfth century, Goryeo Buddhism, having close connections with the central authoritative power, saw a rise of various religious organizations such as gyeolsa (結社) countrywide in respect to the circumstances of the Buddhist community gradually losing its sociality and true character: e.g. Jeonghye gyeolsa (定慧結社) and Baengnyeon gyeolsa (白蓮結社), represented by Jinul (知訥) and Yose (了世), respectively. With the emergence of this movement, an attempt was made to reconstruct a new its philosophical structure and belief system. However, after the mid-thirteenth century, Buddhism, again in collusion with a certain governing class, became more conservative and lost its social foundation. Especially from the beginning of Yuan’s intervening period, the practical belief concerning the benefits one can obtain by accumulating merits prevailed, apart from specific schools or doctrines. This has resulted in the faith’s individualization. The members of the royal family and the influential families, therefore, competed in constructing temples (wondang, 願堂) and commissioning illustrated scriptures using gold and silver, to accumulate merits. Such religious proclivity is also reflected in Goryeo Buddhist paintings. Most of the extant works, i.e. Amitabha, Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara and Kshitigarbha are associated with the practical wishes of the devotees both in present and next life, the nature of the belief common to the Goryeo people.9 “In accordance of the king’s age, forty paintings of Avalokiteshvara were made, and on the Buddha’s birthday, lanterns were lighted in the annex hall (byeolwon) to pray for good fortune. The king paid a visit incognito visit and saw this.” “Twelve images of Avalokiteshvara were made to observe a Buddhist service….” “The king specially bestowed the paintings of Avalokiteshvara….” [Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo)]. Based on these accounts, it can be surmised that, for each noted occasion, quite a number of paintings with a specific image were produced and, most importantly, the purpose for the production was different from the original significance of the image. Moreover, a line in Dongguk isanggukjip (東國李相國集, Collected Works of Minister Yi) also testifies to the convention of having one’s personal temple (wondang): “One of the halls was arranged as the Buddhist shrine to practise meditation. The place was equipped for all purposes, even to hold a Buddhist ceremony….” On the other hand, the story detailed in Wangnang banhonjeon (王郞反魂傳, The Story of Wangnang) provides important clues to speculate the function of the relatively small size of Goryeo’s Amitabha paintings: a woman's late husband in hell appeared in a dream, and instructed his wife to hang the painting of Amitabha on the western wall and contemplate the image. As she followed his instructions, not only did she escape being taken to the underworld by the jeoseung saja or messengers from the underworld, but she also prolonged her own life. The Japanese paintings, depicting the scene of a person contemplating a painting of the ‘descent of Amitabha’ or on the ‘illustration of the Visualization Sutra’ at his or her deathbed, also allude to the function of Goryeo Buddhist paintings. The similarities in the technique and the iconography of Goryeo Buddhist paintings are rooted in the homogeneity shaped by the bias of the commissioning body, the purpose for the production, and the place of enshrinement. As mentioned previously, in the representations of a principal deity, Goryeo Buddhist paintings tend to amplify only the Buddha or the central subject. One of the reasons for this is that because the devotees who commission the paintings are the members of the royal family or the aristocrats, the paintings need not be expository. This also is the reason why the Goryeo Buddhist paintings are imbued with a strong sense of conceptual quality. In association with the religious context of Goryeo Buddhist painting, various views on the Buddhist doctrines, thoughts and beliefs have been presented. On these matters, rather than focusing on the Buddhist schools, I have been arguing that although beophwa (法華), Seon (禪) and esoteric characteristics took diverse forms in the course of history, they have steadily reflected the faith and the doctrines that are integrated with the Pure Land belief. I have to admit, however, that there had been some errors. I did not fully comprehend the essence of Goryeo Buddhism, and while being confused between the Buddhist doctrines and the actual belief system, I have only partially selected relevant references. First of all, to elucidate the context of the production, it is necessary to clarify the notion of the iconography, doctrine, belief and the school. Since most of the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings, as noted above, were not enshrined inside a temple, hence not used for a Buddhist service, it is not plausible to consider them as an evidence to probe the doctrinal basis of a specific school. The school of thought or the doctrine and the philosophical background should be verified by scrutinizing the textual documents and the relevant temple’s main hall and the iconography of its principal Buddha statue. Furthermore, the question of whether or not the establishment of the art specific to a certain school was possible in Goryeo should be addressed. The actual form of belief can not be completely identified with the related schools or doctrines since it tends to be pliable; it is especially susceptible to social changes. Rebirth in the Pure Land was the ultimate objective for Buddhist devotees apart from schools, doctrines, periods, monks or laities, as it is exemplified in Monk Cheonchaek (天頙)’s words: “Why wouldn’t a person, who wishes to leave this world (yeto, 穢土) and enter paradise (rakto, 樂土), devote himself to assimilate the teachings of Amitabha?” While under the influence of Yuan, the people of Goryeo experienced a tragic reality and at the same time strived for lasting enjoyment; in such circumstances, Goryeo Buddhism lost its ability and proper function. Consequently, it has harbored a religious devotion that emphasized only the importance of accumulating merits, the aspect of which relates to the faith for the benefit of acquiring good fortune. It should be considered that, by most effectively satisfying the needs of the people, the Pure Land belief and the Amitabha cult flourished, beyond any schools or doctrines. There is another point one needs to take into consideration. That is to resolve some of the issues presented in the following questions: Do Goryeo Buddhist paintings display clear understanding of their prototypes? In the process of transmission, were there any fundamental changes? This task is important because the original significance and function of the Buddhist iconography frequently undergo adjustments in the course of their inception, adoption, comprehension and transmission. The similar condition also applies to idioms. The dedicatory inscription on the Illustrated Manuscript of the Lotus Sutra, commissioned by Yeom Seungik (廉承益) in 1283, begins as follows: “At the moment my life comes to an end, I eliminate all the obstacles and escape from sufferings so that I meet Amitabha and without delay I hope to be reborn in the paradise.” The exact phrase also appears in the Tokyo National Museum Amitabha Buddha (1286) and Rinshō-ji (隣松寺) Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (1323). Additionally, the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (1323) in Chion-in, which shares the similar iconography with the latter, has the following phrase: “For these merits, I hope myself and others to be reborn in paradise.” This phrase was customarily inscribed on Buddhist paintings, regardless of their subjects, as well as on Buddhist metalwork, until the end of the Joseon period.10 Therefore, one must carefully think about whether or not the synthesis of doctrines is viable only depending on a certain phrase; or if the repeated use of a specific phrase simply reflects the orientation of the contemporary religious devotion based on obtaining good fortune, which in practice might perhaps be a matter of inscribing a phrase refashioned from a scripture appropriate for Buddhist epitaphs. In other words, the apprehension of the phrase’s original significance should precede further investigation. Although Goryeo Buddhist paintings are not expository, their representations are as rhythmical as ‘silk blown in the wind’ and manifest a subtle beauty that is the result of a superb balance of forms, colors, lines, patterns and intricate details. Because ‘characteristics’ and ‘identity’ are relative concepts, it is difficult to define them only by exploring Goryeo Buddhist paintings. Particularly, ‘identity’ is not a superior concept; it is merely a physical phenomenon. Notwithstanding, if I must specify the identity of Goryeo Buddhist painting, it is as follows: the amplification of the subject, the engagement and the tangibility, the exquisiteness embedded in the representations, and the homogeneity in function. There are a number of unsolved questions concerning Goryeo Buddhist paintings that require attention. Since only a handful of textual references are available today, the only method to resolve remaining issues is to concretize the objective validity of each work. In regard to Buddhist art, one cannot ascertain the difference between countries, regions or periods based only on iconography and form. I am strongly convinced that the objective truth, which a work of art possesses, i.e. representation and the technique, is the crucial ground on which to examine a painting’s historicity and identity. Goryeo Buddhist paintings are the product of the self-assertion and control of colors, lines and decorative patterns, especially the will of expression. In other words, Goryeo Buddhist paintings are the aesthetic and spiritual creation of the Goryeo people who have strived to express the sublime realm of the Buddha beyond simple beauty, by harmonizing the constituting elements and materializing the micro world. Additionally, it is not feasible to reconstruct the circumstances that entailed the production of Buddhist paintings in the scope of the entire Goryeo period because most of the surviving paintings are concentrated only in the fourteenth century, late Goryeo. Nevertheless, analogous to any other period or country, the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings hold their inherent identity, and they are undoubtedly the masterpieces of Korean Buddhist painting.